The Strategic Importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands

The Strategic Importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands

The Indian government needs to recognize the value of India’s southeast border.

By Sunil Raman, January 03, 2016

URL: http://thediplomat.com/2016/01/the-strategic-importance-of-andaman-and-nicobar-islands/

In the Bay of Bengal, far removed from the mainland, lie the 572 islands of Andaman and Nicobar, which form India’s southeast border. While the northernmost part of the archipelago is only 22 nautical miles away from Myanmar, the southernmost point, called the Indira Point, is a mere 90 nautical miles from Indonesia. These islands dominate the Bay of Bengal and the Six Degree and Ten Degree channels which more than 60,000 commercial vessels traverse each year.

Among the nine major bottlenecks that control entry to this region are the Malacca Strait and the Six Degree Channel. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands lie in this strategically important zone, meaning that India with its growing naval capabilities could play a significant role in controlling access.

India’s Navy chief, Admiral R K Dhowan recently acknowledged that the Andaman and Nicobar Islands are a “very very important aspect” of India’s security, acting as extended arms of the country. Dhowan said that India needed to deploy naval assets to the islands for surveillance in important sea lines of communication.

Yet over the past 15 years successive governments have been slow to act, even after having declared their intention of beefing up the security infrastructure on the islands. A unified land, sea and air command was created more than a decade ago, but the command still faces turf wars, funding issues, and glacial decision making.

In the meantime, other countries – notably China – have expanded their presence in the region. Naval vessels camouflaged as fishing boats have been sighted, while other ships make port visits to Sri Lanka and Pakistan.

The inability of India’s civilian bureaucracy to recognize the geostrategic importance of the islands is evident in the fact that the only radar station at Port Blair is switched off every evening. When Malaysian authorities sought information about the missing MH370 from India there was none to share.

Soon after coming to power last year, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi brushed aside environmental concerns and cleared a decade-old proposal to set up a radar station on an island lying a few miles from Coco Islands, which Myanmar has leased to China for the purpose of setting up a listening post. Reportedly, infrastructure development on Coco Islands was completed in short order, and besides a radar station the Chinese have also built an airstrip. In contrast, India took ten years to decide to build a radar station on the nearby Narcondam Islands.

Plans to improve the infrastructure are welcome but the Modi government needs to acknowledge the strategic importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands and push an indifferent bureaucracy to faster decision-making. India could be using these islands to project power into the region and signal China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy about its readiness to counter any intervention.

Of the 572 islands that make up the Andaman and Nicobar group, only 37 are inhabited. The absence of a human presence on hundreds of these islands has made them vulnerable to narcotics smuggling, intrusion by foreign vessels, and other incursions. The home ministry needs to seriously consider suggestions to encourage migration from the mainland and open up some of these strategically located uninhabited islands to tourism. That would give India a stronger physical footprint and would help the country track the movement of vessels and people.

The northern islands are separated from the southern group by the Ten Degree Channel, which is 80 nautical miles wide. Close watch needs to be kept over the movement of ships and military vessels that pass through these waters.

Recognition of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands as strategic assets would ensure a change in government policy. The slow pace of development and indifferent bureaucracy has ensured that after several years an undersea cable link between India’s mainland and the islands remains incomplete. Internet connectivity, even at the naval base in the capital Port Blair, is reported to be erratic.

Road building, airstrip construction, and even the building of jetties has been slow or non-existent. More than a decade after the tsunami of 2004 an important road linking North with South has still not been rebuilt.

Heavy rainfall restricts building activity to six months a year and the distance from mainland adds to the cost of construction as all material must be shipped to the islands. Few companies are willing to work on the islands because of the distance and cost. For some materials, importing from Indonesia would be far cheaper and more cost effective than sending shipments from the Indian mainland.

Surveillance in the southern group of islands is a major challenge. The destruction of the road by the tsunami has meant that the two groups of islands are linked only by air and sea. Rather than expedite the work, the pace of development has been caught up in red tape. The landing strip on Campbell Bay is only 1,000 meters in length and plans to extend it have moved slowly. The runway in capital Port Blair took more than three years to repair.

While India wants to neutralize Chinese presence in the region, the decision-making in New Delhi has been slow and lacking in focus. Efforts to strengthen India’s military presence have not kept pace with Chinese activity. Modi’s outreach to Japan, which has been added to Malabar, hitherto a U.S.-India bilateral military exercise, signals a change in direction by New Delhi, which has traditionally been very sensitive to Chinese concerns.

Modi has an opportunity to make Andaman and Nicobar Islands an important element of his “Act East Policy” of engaging with countries in the region east of India. A policy of benign neglect towards the islands should be transformed into something more robust, which develops the island territories with an eye to India’s larger geopolitical interests.

Sunil Raman is a Delhi-based journalist and author. In the last two decades he has worked with leading media organizations including the BBC World Service and The Economic Times in Delhi, London and Bangalore.

The troubled Northeast

The troubled Northeast
Rajesh Verma*
Publication: The Otherside, Vol. 22, No. 05, May, 2009

The North East India or simply the North East as usually referred to in India is a region as interesting and varied as India itself. It comprises of the eight States of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura. It is hilly, it has plains on both sides of the mighty Brahmaputra and then the mighty Himalayan range around it. It is a region of amazing grace - charming people, ancient cultures and bountiful nature. The states of Northeast comprise a region of diversity - multiple religions, dialects and tribes, each with its distinctive culture and history. The Northeast India is a true frontier region. It has over 2000 km of border with Bhutan, China, Myanmar and Bangladesh and is connected to the rest of India by a narrow 20 km wide corridor of land. One of the most ethically and linguistically diverse regions in Asia, each state has its distinct cultures and traditions.

From times immemorial, India’s Northeast has been the meeting point of many communities, faiths and cultures. A place renowned for its magical beauty and bewildering diversity, Northeast is the home for more than 166 separate tribes speaking a wide range of languages. Some groups have migrated over the centuries from places as far as South East Asia; they retain their cultural traditions and values but are beginning to adapt to contemporary lifestyles. Its jungles are dense, its rivers powerful and rain, and thunderstorms sweep across the hills, valleys and plains during the annual monsoons. The lushness of its landscape, the range of communities and geographical and ecological diversity makes the Northeast quite different from other parts of the subcontinent. In winters, mist carpets the valleys but swirls around the traveller in hills during summer rains, thus creating an enchanting and romantic atmosphere. The festivals and celebrations in the Northeastern states of India are a colourful reflection of the people and their lives. Throughout the year, different people celebrate festivals with lot of fanfare in different ways, most of them centering around their modes of living and livelihood. Each state is a traveller’s paradise, with picturesque hills and green meadows which shelters thousand of species of flora and fauna. In addition, the states provide scope for angling, boating, rafting, trekking and hiking. Besides, there are a number of wild life sanctuaries and national parks where rare animals, birds and plants which will surely provide fascinating insight to the visitors.

Neglected region

The NE region of India has been left neglected for many decades. The Indian government ignored the region as the states do not constitute enough vote power in parliament but have subsidised the states to keep the local politicians happy and the region limping along. It also does not help that the local insurgents, in the name of freedom movement, are tearing the state apart instead of promoting entrepreneurship and growth. This region has been neglected historically by successive governments and due to linguistic/racial/ethnic identity and diversity; the NE people have also been late in assimilating with the mainstream. Things have not improved in the Northeastern part of India because of corruption, both official and unofficial. Each competing force of lawlessness is blaming the finger at the other.
I have lived in the North-East for many years. More money from the government of India has flown into this region per capita than to any other part of the country. Politicians, insurgents and government officials have helped themselves to this largesse. There have acquired lots of estate and other assets in the North-East, other parts of India and even abroad.

Problem

I believe a big part of the problems of the Northeast is rooted in the complex geographical and socio-ethnic cultural system of this minority population combined with lack of strong local leadership and lack of understanding of the complexity of the problem by the central leadership resulting in inefficient and unhealthy centre-state relations. Insurgency is a scapegoat for underdevelopment. India has its own problems to give the required time or focus to the problems of the Northeast. Illegal immigrants have been pouring through the porous border for the last 60 years from the south from Bangladesh. In Kaziranga National Park, the world's only one horned rhinos are being killed in broad day light at the heart of Assam on the average about 16 Rhinos per year for the last 60 years.

Despite being rich in natural resources, development in the Northeastern region has lagged behind the rest of the country. The region’s economy is generally characterized by low per-capita income, low capital formation, in-adequate infrastructure facilities, geographical isolation and communication bottleneck, inadequate exploitation of natural resources like mineral resources, hydro power potential, forests etc., low progress in industrial field, lack of private and foreign direct investment and high un-employment rate among the relatively high literate people.
Today Northeast seems to be nobody's land, and everybody seems to be just making money at the expense of the poor people.

Anger

Most of Indians don't know much about these Northeastern states. The youth of the region are angry and agitated because of the prevalent situation. One of the student leaders of the Northeast once shared his thoughts with me. He said, “The analysis of thinkers and writers of mainland India into the troubles of the Northeastern states is quite remarkable in its refusal to legitimate the demands of the peoples in that region. So many Indian writers regard the militant groups as mere miscreants bent on extorting money, and no attention is paid to the alienated masses of the region who have for over fifty years suffered under the brutal yoke of a thick and omnipresent Indian military occupation. Policymakers’ remedies for the region are woefully inadequate so long as they continue to deny consideration to the legitimate aspirations for self-determination amongst the peoples of the Northeast. The troubles in the Northeast cannot be solved by investment and interaction from New Delhi if the people of the region wish to cut themselves off from the centre.”
Another youth leader commented, “Let me tell you about the story of any Northeastern person who have interacted with the rest of India. First and foremost, The Indian Government needs to educate the rest of India about the existence of the Northeastern states. At our school geography books we have just 1 or 2 pages mentioning about the diverse cultures of the North-east. And the average Indian students just skip through that page. You may wonder, that will not be harmful. But it is. People from the Northeast are sick and tired of being asked if they are from China or which country Mizoram or Manipur belongs to. There is always that level of insecurity among every Northeastern student you see in India, the way they are excluded from any group and the way they are racially discriminated. People from the Northeast can never have that "sense of belonging" with India when they are treated so differently by the rest of India, even if they really try to. And these same people go back to their respective states telling their kindred about the discrimination they faced in Mainland India. And they in turn have a preconceived notion about India that they will not be welcomed. The root of the problem lies with education.”

The ULFA

The Northeast has been plagued by terrorism for the last 30 years. The United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) is the largest terrorist group and earlier this month set off several bombs in the state’s business capital, Guwahati. Large numbers of workers from India’s Hindi belt have migrated to Assam to labour in its tea plantations and mines. Hence ULFA targets both national and local political elites especially the Hindi speaking migrants who are predominantly from Bihar. The argument of the ULFA is that the poor migrants are overwhelming the local culture and depriving Assamese of work in their own industries. Hence it is xenophobic and chauvinistic.

Although ULFA is strongly opposed to internal migration in India it does not protest against the illegal immigration of Bengali Muslims from Bangladesh. This has led Indian officials to assume that Bangladesh’s Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) is involved. New Delhi maintains that the DGFI is supported by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).

ULFA trains and operates within the Buddhist Kingdom of Bhutan, the Muslim Republic of Bangladesh, Myanmar (Burma) and Nagaland. The last has the rare distinction of having a predominantly Baptist revolutionary movement. ULFA activities are rarely reported in the western press except when casualties are high. In January 2007, about 70 Biharis were killed in several days of extraordinary violence. The goal is to force Biharis to abandon Assam and thereby deprive the economy of much needed skilled labour.
Assam is of vital strategic importance to India in its drive to expand trade with South East Asian countries. New Delhi has had some success in expelling the UFLA from Bhutan and is encouraging the military junta in Myanmar to do the same. In return there will be closer Indian military and commercial relations with Rangoon. If this occurs, the UFLA will only be left with Bangladesh as a base.
UFLA demands money and food from the tea estates of northern Assam. Non-payment leads to the murder of staff. Locals say that the Indian army controls the roads during the day but the UFLA roams freely at night.

Tactics deployed by the UFLA in urban areas include attaching explosive devices to motorcycles and bicycles, throwing grenades into the midst of market traders and putting bombs in rubbish bins. The UFLA is also strong enough to force whole commercial districts to stop trading. Those who disobey may be killed and their premises destroyed.

New Delhi has had some success in splitting the UFLA and this has led to some units observing cease fires. However a hard core of ‘irreconcilables’ have proved impervious to Indian offers.

The positive factor

Northeast covers an area of 2.62 lakh sq. km. It accounts for 7.9% of total geographical area of the country. With a total population of 39 million (2001), it accounts for 3.8% of total population of India. The per capita income in the North Eastern region on an average is Rs. 12,918/- as compared with the national average of Rs. 17,947/- at current prices of 2001-02. It is very important for the India’s economy supplying oil and coal. The Northeast is only 4% of India's population but has about half of India's total 600 ethnic groups and produces about 40% of India's oil and 50% of India's tea.

Economic Development

The economy of Northeast India has got its definite identity due to its peculiar physical, economic and socio-cultural characteristics. The pace of development in the hilly areas and plains differ considerably. The valleys are economically active areas of the region, the Brahmaputra valley being the most active. Tribal population forms only one fourth of the population of the North East, despite the fact that in four States i.e., Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh, tribals are in majority and in Mizoram, they constitute as high as 95% of the population. There are differences among the eight States in the North Eastern region with respect to their resource endowments, level of industrialisation as well as infrastructural facilities. The industrial sector has mainly grown around tea, petroleum [crude], natural gas etc. in Assam and mining, saw mills and steel fabrication units in other parts of the region. The economy of the region is still primarily agrarian but its full potential is yet to be exploited. Since agriculture and industry has not really taken off in spite of the potential in the form of vast unexploited resource base available in the region. The pressure for employment is on the service sector. The contribution of agriculture to State domestic income is much higher in this region, except for Meghalaya and Nagaland. Mining in case of Meghalaya and forestry and logging in case of Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland are important contributors to NSDP. The contribution of construction is also high in this region. Growth in per capita income is almost stagnated in Assam since the 90’s, was better than the national average in Meghalaya, an increasing trend in case of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura.

The Northeastern states are less assimilated. However, I disagree with the thought that Northeastern states are worse of than the rest of India. The boom in Indian economy has only affected a small part of the Indian population. The rest still live in poverty. And the lives of the rest of the population in mainland India is no better than that of Northeast. For example, have a look at these statistics:

In economy (per capita), the worst among the ranked states are Bihar and UP. In the ranking of household having electricity, only one state from Northeast is below Indian average (and the worst raking state is, again, Bihar.) In literacy, Mizoram tops the list. Also, there is no Northeastern state below the Indian average from these data.

We can readily draw the following conclusions: Are North-eastern states worse of than the rest of India? No! Is there room for improvement? Yes!

But the same is true for the rest of India. India has its flaws. But now India is overcoming its flaws slowly but steadily. It hasn't reached the Northeast and many other parts of India. But, that is going to change.

Conclusion

I have worked and lived in Northeast for about 20 years and having worked with the locals, I feel that the fruits of economic development never reached these people. From my experience, I think that the government should also advertise more of Northeast to the rest of India so that people feel that it is also a part of India and there is also more than just extra land. All the stakeholders involved should put in concerted efforts in addressing the major concerns of the people and work towards a sustainable and meaningful solution which will help all sections of the society. In this day and age, when pollution is strife in rest of India, this beautiful Northeastern region could be a show piece from eco-tourism perspective for foreign tourists. The only way to bring the region to focus is through direct highways through Bengal to those states and investment in industries. India needs to wake up to the plight of its citizens in that troubled region if it has any claim to being a democratic country with the good of its people at heart. The main hope for a reduction of violence is trade as the nations of South East Asia integrate economically.

*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland

The relevance of Gandhi & Gandhians in Northeast

The relevance of Gandhi & Gandhians in Northeast
Rajesh Verma*
Publication: The Otherside, Vol. 22, No. 01, January 2009

Mahatma Gandhi in his journal Harijan wrote, “I am writing these notes at Tezpur on the banks of the mighty Brahmaputra”. “The river, in front, flows peacefully. I deliberately use the word ‘peacefully’. As the water is deep, I see no turbulence in it... If only we could acquire such serenity and enjoy such peace, within what a short time we could win swaraj!” Six decades later it would seem there is a great deal of turbulence which has disturbed the stillness of the mighty Brahmaputra and the peace Gandhiji was evoking has become elusive. Mahatma Gandhi had visited the region of northeast particularly Assam thrice. He has expressed his ‘Experiences In Assam : the land and the people’ describing the region as ‘Prakriti Putri’, the daughter of nature.

Non-violent activism

The hardest thing in the world is to resist injustice without hatred, or to resist brutality without brutality, or to fight any kind of war without losing your own humanity. And yet more than 100 years back, Mahatma Gandhi, not only preached but also practiced how to confront“brutality without brutality”. Mahatma Gandhi showed how one could fight a war without losing own humanity.

Conflict and violence have been perennial problems in the Northeast India. The forms of conflict are varied and multidimensional. They are borne out of inter and intra-ethnic feuds, armed conflicts between the insurgents and the state, and fratricide among the rebel groups. In the context of North East India, peace has ever been elusive.In such a situation, the Gandhiji's Philosophy and the Gandhians can play a vital role.

Serving Gandhians

Nonviolent methods have been used by many Gandhians in the Northeast to resolve various burning issues of the region. Gandhians like Hema Bharali, Dwarika Barua, Natwar Thakkar are rendering great service to the area.

Dr. Harikrishna Das was a doctor, a social worker and a Gandhian philanthropist although Das died half a century ago, his legacy survives in Assam for the role he and his family played in the freedom struggle, and the social institutions which he helped erect. With the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi in Assam, he and his wife became attracted by the message of peace, tolerance and self reliance. Since 1927, Dr Das became actively involved in the freedom struggle, and soon faced government censure. For participating in the Quit India movement, he was imprisoned. He lost no faith in his mission to serve common humanity, and his belief in Gandhian values. In order to build an organisation in memory of Kasurba Gandhi, Dr Das and his friends raised a substantial amount. His daughter Amal Prova was sent to Sevagram in Wardha to learn about social work geared towards the goal of Gram Swaraj.

Gandhiji came to Assam for the last time in 1946, and dedicated the Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust to the public. The Assam Branch office in Sarania could take shape because of the generosity of Dr Das, who donated a huge plot of land towards the purpose.

Hem Dutta is a noted Gandhian from Assam. He has made outstanding contribution to promote communal harmony and fight against terrorism and violence. He received the Rajiv Gandhi National Sadbhavana Award-2006. Speaking at the occasion, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said, "I do believe that Hembhai, from my adopted state of Assam, is a living example of non-violent mass action for peaceful social transformation."

Ravindranath Upadhyay is an eminent Gandhian of Assam who was the winner of Jamnalal Bajaj Award for promoting Gandhian values. He is an active follower of the nationalist leaders like Gopinath Bordoloi .

Irom Sharmila Chanu is a budding Manipuri poet. On November 2, 2000, a tragedy took place when the Indian army killed ten civilians at Malom, near Imphal . The incident jolted a 28-year-old budding Manipuri poet, Ms. Irom Sharmila Chanu, who resolved to sit for a hunger strike until the controversial law was completely scrapped. However, she was imprisoned on charges of 'attempted suicide' and was kept in a secured ward at Jawaharlal Nehru Hospital in Imphal for more than half a decade where she survived by state-forced nasal feeding.

On October 3, 2006, the local court at Imphal ordered her release, following which she flew to Delhi. Ms. Sharmila held a fast-unto-death at Jantar Mantar, lying close to the nation's parliament. Her struggle is still on.

Dr Binodkumar worked in the Naturopathy Hospital, Kolkata for some years but he could not concentrate on his work as he was always preoccupied with the welfare of youths in home state of Manipur. His dedication towards promotion of peace in present violent and restless world can be gauged from his active association with several organisations including the Gandhi Gram Rural Institute, Dindigul, Manipur Sarvodaya Mitra Mandal, National Youths Organisation, South Asia Fraternity, World Conference on Religion and Peace, Centre for Gandhian Studies etc. He was the general secretary of Manipur Peace Committee.

Sri Chitta Ranjan Dev is one of the prominent social activists and a veteran Gandhian worker of Tripura. He started working with a crusader’s zeal and determination to render voluntary social service right from his student days. Sri Dev set up various organizations to serve the cause of the poor and downtrodden across the state. He also had the rare privilege of being blessed by Mahatma Gandhi in recognition of his service to the underprivileged section of the society. Although Sri Dev established several organizations to mitigate the woes of the poor, prominent among them are Tripura Harijan Sevak Sangh, Tripura Adimjati Sevak Sangh and Tripura Prohibition Council. He is also the founder secretary of the Association for Social Health in India (Tripura branch).

From the later part of 1945, i.e., after the end of the Second World War, when the freedom fighters were released from the jail, he under the guidance of freedom fighter Kshirode Ch. Sen and others, started literacy drive and worked for prohibition drive of intoxicating drinks in the Bhangi Colony at Agartala. In 1950, he set up an organisation in the name of Tripura Harijan Sevak Samity with the Bhangis (scavangers) of Agartala and formed a cooperative credit society in the name of Agartala Harijan Samabaya Samity to provide credit to the needy Bhangis on nominal interest rate to save them from the clutches of the big money lenders. In 1954, he started a Balwadi in Durgachumuhani (Agartala) Bhangi Colony with financial help of Bengal Harijan Sevak Sangh and a creche in the same colony for babies of the working mothers with cooperation of the municipality and financial help from All India Harijan Sevak Sangh in 1967.

He established one landless agri-labourers colony for landless people at Jagatpur under Mohanpur Tahasil in the name of “Thakkar Bapa Nagar”. He also set up a landless cobblers’ colony by purchasing land with the help of the government at Pratapgarh
He had the proud privilege of meeting Mahatma Gandhi at Chaumuhani in Noakhali district on November 6, 1946 along with leaders of the Tripura Rajya Congress and had his blessings for working among the Bhangis. He had the proud privilege of working with Lokanayak Jaiprakash Narain in the hill and border area coordination committee. Vinoba Bhave encouraged him to write for prohibition works in Tripura and elsewhere.

Hema Bharali, (born on February 19, 1919) is an octogenarian Gandhian, distinguished freedom fighter, front ranking leader of Vinoba Bhave’s Bhoodan movement.Since her childhood, she has always been attracted towards constructive social work inspired by Mahatma Gandhi. Since independence, Hema Bharali has been associated with non-political organizations that fought for the cause of social upliftment of people at large. She has been engaged in rural development, spreading basic education, prohibition, strengthening of national integration and removal of social discrimination. She has also worked for empowerment of women and children, promotion of their welfare, securing social justice and promoting peace and non-violence. She helped the panic stricken people of Tezpur and adjoining areas of Assam-Arunachal border during the Chinese aggression in 1962. She took active part in Vinova Bhave’s Bhoodan movement and undertook padyatra to instill the spirit of national integration in the minds of people; to create an awakening among the women; and to spread knowledge about forests as vital factor of environment.

Hema Bharali is one of the true Gandhians, who believes in promoting non-violence, social harmony and equitable development. She has done commendable work in these areas for a considerable period of time. Recognising her dedicated service to the nation, Government of India conferred the prestigious Padmashree Award to Hema Bharali in the year 2005.

Dwarika Barua is a prominent Gandhian who was once abducted by the Bodo militants from Dhamdhama in Assam's Nalbari district. Barua was a crusader for the upliftment of the poor and the downtrodden. He has served the people of Assam in a number of different ways, specially in those areas inhabited by the Bodos. He founded two Gandhian service organisations, both wedded to the service of the Bodo community.

Natwarbhai Thakkar has been Nagaland's most famous Gandhian for more than 50 years, and a recipient of several national awards, has been working to bridge the gap between Nagas and rest of the country. A Gujarati from Dahanu Road in Maharashtra, Thakkar is known for his developmental and humanitarian works on Gandhian lines in the state.

In fact, Thakkar is one of the few non-Nagas to have been accepted by the Nagas into their community. His wife Lentina, who is the first Naga gram sevika trained in the Sarania Ashram in Guwahati, has helped keep up his moral. To promote all-round development of the people of Nagaland, he established the Nagaland Gandhi Ashram in 1955 in the remote Ao Naga village in Makokchung district.

Rajiv Vora, writer, speaker and educator, is a preeminent interpreter of Gandhi's works and in particular his root text, Hind Swaraj. He was requested by Naga leaders to help in the resolution of Naga political issues. He has been in constant touch with the Gandhians of the Northeast. He is in touch with the senior Naga political and Hoho leaders like Hokishe Sema and others and have greatly contributed towards restoring peace and tranquility in Nagaland.

The first challenge is perspectival shift towards selfishness and violence at the level of the family and other social institutions. There are many organizations which are working towards creating a harmonious society, the dream of Gandhiji. Some organizations are rendering yeoman's service to the country and the northeastern region. One such organization is the Assam Branch of the Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust. Inaugurated by Gandhiji himself in 1946, it is run by dedicated personalities, who have sustained Gandhian ideals alive.

"Preach Peace, Reject Violence, Resolve Conflict." With this call, the Centre for Development and Peace Studies, an independent peace and conflict research centre based in Guwahati, is trying to contribute towards peace and development. Peace and social activists, former insurgent leaders, academics, journalists and development experts keep on making efforts for achieving peace in the backdrop of insurgency and ethnic strife afflicting India's Northeast and the efforts by the government and non-government agencies at peace-making under guidance of Wasbir Hussain, a senior journalist.

Gandhjii may be dead but his ideals are still relevant and the Gandhians are vibrant force in mutating mosaic of the Northeast

*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland

Northeast: Whither Grassroot Democracy?

Northeast: Whither Grassroot Democracy?
By Rajesh Verma*
Publication: The Otherside, Vol. 21, No. 12, December 2008

The Northeast has seen the emergence of new states and a variety of autonomous and apex councils. The sixth schedule and other constitutional provisions relevant to the Northeast offer different degrees of autonomy and self-management to indigenous communities. While the 6th Schedule of the Constitution deals with the tribal areas, the Panchayati Raj Institutions (73rd Amendment) deal with the non-tribal areas. But Arunachal Pradesh, though tribal, is not covered by the 6th Schedule. The ADCs under the sixth Schedule exist in 10 districts of the Northeast. Nagaland never had ADCs but a constitutional amendment in 1963 introducing Article 371A enabled it to follow its customary law in civil matters. Presently the North-East India has, sixteen District Councils – three in Assam, three in Meghalaya, three in Mizoram, one in Tripura and six in Manipur.

Genesis of the Sixth Schedule in the Constitution

The Interim Government of India in 1947 appointed a Sub-Committee of the Constituent Assembly under the Chairmanship of Gopinath Bardoloi, Chief Minister of Assam. The Bardoloi Committee submitted its recommendations for a simple and inexpensive set-up (District Councils) of the tribal areas, which were later accepted and incorporated into the Article 244 (2) of the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. The Bardoloi Committee also made provision for Regional Council for the tribes other than the main tribe. This scheme sought to build up autonomous administration (District Councils and the Regional Council) in the hill areas of Assam (United Khasi-Jaintia Hills District, Garo Hills District, Lushai Hills District, Naga Hills District, North Cachar Hills District, and Mikir Hills District) so that the tribal people could preserve their traditional way of life.

Autonomous District Councils (ADCs)

The sixth schedule applies to tribal areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram, which provides for an elected body of Autonomous District Council (ADC) with legislative, executive and judicial powers. The Autonomous District Council for which elections are held regularly once in every five years is empowered to make laws on land, forest, water, village or town administration, marriage and divorce, inheritance of property, social customs etc. The ADC is also empowered to decide whether an Act made by the Parliament or the State legislatures on the powers conferred on the Autonomous District Councils can be applied to the council area or not. It is also empowered to set up courts to administer justice within its jurisdiction. The Governor is vested with special powers for the administration of Scheduled Areas. He is empowered to exclude any Act of Parliament or of the State Legislature to the scheduled area by notification, or extend them with such exceptions and modification, which he thinks are necessary for peace and good governance. The Governor can issue notification repealing or amending any Act of Parliament or of the State Legislature or any existing law, if he thinks that these Acts/laws are detrimental to the interests of the tribals. Functionally, the Chairman and the Deputy Chairman act like the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of a legislature. In the Sixth Schedule areas the village court or the Autonomous District Council (ADC) deals with civil offences.

Sixth Schedule: A far better instrument of self-rule

There are special laws, constitutional provisions such as the Fifth Schedule, Sixth Schedule and Article 371A, which seek to protect the traditions, lands and rights of various hill communities. Article 371 casts a special responsibility on the Governors for providing peace, good government and promotion of the welfare and advancement of the people. The Sixth Schedule is a far better instrument of self-rule than the Fifth Schedule. Its main feature is the creation of autonomous districts governed by Autonomous District Council (ADC), which has substantial executive, legislative and judicial powers. For example, it mentions that administration of justice should be based on codified customary law in Sixth Schedule areas. While Articles 370, 371A,(8) 371C(9) and 371F(10) made special provisions for ‘segmental autonomy’ with respect to the states of Jammu & Kashmir, Nagaland, Manipur and Sikkim; the Fifth and Sixth schedules establish ‘state-like institutions’ in certain ‘scheduled areas’ of the country. These institutions empowered through these articles and schedules were to provide certain ‘tribal’ communities a measure of ‘self-rule’ through the introduction of councils that would nurture the customary law, practices and traditional institutions.

Traditional systems in Meghalaya

The District Councils in Meghalaya are among the oldest in the country. There are the traditional ruling systems of Meghalaya viz. the Syiems (rajas) of the Khasis Hills, who signed the Instrument of Accession to India; the Dolois of the Jaintias and the Nokmas of the Garos. Of these three, the Syiems and their "courts" - Durbars [councils which traditionally deliberate on issues of concern, especially taxation, land rights, marriages etc.) with myntris (ministers).

The Dolois of the Jaintia Hills and the Nokmas, or traditional headmen of the Garos, are not as influential or well organized as the Syiemships, which still collect tithes, exercise their influence to arbitrate in disputes but have been marginalised in the political process by the State Legislature and the District Councils, especially the latter. It should be pointed out here that the Syiemships are a clan based political system more in the line of a feudal and monarchical political authority than tribal democratic traditions.

It could be cogently argued therefore that in Meghalaya, there are not two but three competing systems of authority - each of which is seeking to “serve” or represent the same constituency. The result has been confusion and confrontation especially at the local level on a number of issues.

Protection of Tribes in Assam

Assam made a number of interesting political forays in creative federalism. Non-territorial Apex Councils have been established to protect the identity of the numerically small Tiwa, Rabha and Mishing plains tribals scattered in non-contiguous clusters. This follows the earlier creation of new and more generously empowered Autonomous Councils for Karbi Anglong, Bodoland and the North Cachar Hills.

The process of protection began with the formation of the first District Councils in Assam, as far back as 1951. These District Councils were first set up as the United Mikir and Cachar Hills of Assam, comprising parts of the former districts of the United Khasi and Jaintia Hills as well as parts of the erstwhile Nogaon, Sibsagar and Cachar districts of Assam. Today, the Khasi, Jaintia and Garo Hills comprise Meghalaya State, which was announced in 1970; District Councils were formed in the State in 1972. The division of the composite State of Assam led to the drawing of new administrative boundaries. The North Cachar hills sub-division of the United Mikir and Cachar Hills District was upgraded to a district in 1970. The Mikir Hills District section was renamed as Karbi Anglong in 1976. Both districts have Autonomous Councils.

Panchayati Raj Institutions in Assam

Assam Government established two-tier system of Panchayati Raj Institutions in 1948. Legislative Assembly of Assam enacted the Assam Panchayat Act, 1959 which was enforced from 1960. This Act provided for a three-tier system with the Gaon Panchayat at the village level, the Anchalik Panchayat at the Block level, and the Mohkuma Parishad at the sub-divisional level.

Broadly in conformity with the Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992, the State Legislature enacted Assam Panchayati Raj Act, 1994. The new Act repealed the Act of 1992, and it extended to all the rural areas of Assam except for the areas under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. The Act of 1994 reintroduced a three-tier system of Panchayati Raj consisting of the Gaon Panchayats, Anchalik Panchayats and the Zila Parishad.

The Assam Panchayat (Constitution) Rules, 1995 specified the rules relating to conduct of Panchayat elections, election of members to represent district planning committees, delimitation of constituencies for the different tiers, determination of constituencies reserved for STs/SCs and women, and allied matters. A five year term was fixed for the Panchayati Raj institutions in Assam by the Act of 1994.

Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC)

In February 1993, a Memorandum of Settlement, popularly known as the ‘Bodo Accord’, was hurriedly signed. The leadership of the Bodo movement agreed to the decision to set-up an “administrative authority within the State of Assam” within the framework of the Constitution to ensure social, economic, educational, ethnic and cultural advancement of the Bodos. The BAC could not succeed as it failed to satisfy the people of the region in terms of development and achievements. People started demanding for abolishing BAC and instead asked for greater autonomous body.

Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC)

The Bodoland Territorial Areas District (BTAD), within the state of Assam, was officially formed as per the Memorandum Of Settlement (MOS) signed between the Government of India, the Government of Assam and the Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT) on February 10, 2003. In pursuance of MoS, the BTAD was constituted under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India. Its jurisdiction extended over 8,970 sq. kms covering the four districts of Kokrajhar, Udalguri, Baska and Chirang. The Bodoland Territorial Council was given legislative, administrative, executive and financial powers over 40 subjects. A major thrust was given to the economic development of Bodoland to take forward the Central Government's agenda for peace and development in the region.
The Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) which consists of 46 elected members (not 30 members as in the case of other ADCs), with its headquarter ‘Kokrajhar’, administers the entire BTAD. Today, Bodoland is internationally acclaimed as one of the most promising and regions in the world due to its phenomenal transformation from conflict-zone into peaceful region.

Local Self Governments in Nagaland

Constitutionally, Nagaland is a case apart, even from other North Eastern States with the passage of article 371A of the Constitution [enacted by the Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment Act), 1962] which specifies that no Act of Parliament in respect of (i) religious or social practices of the Nagas, (ii) Naga customary law and procedure, (iii) administration of civil and criminal justice involving decisions according to Naga customary law and (iv) ownership and transfer of land and its resources shall apply to the State unless its Legislative Assembly by a Resolution so decides. This provision gives such powers including the right to deny the Government of India prospecting/mining rights to the Nagaland Government which few other States have in India. In addition, the Governor of Nagaland has special powers to act with regard to internal disturbances, powers which are virtually unchallengeable. The administration of Tuensang District, in particular, has been singled out for special attention and direct control by the Governor in the Constitution [articles 371A(1)(d) and 371A(2)(a) to (g), both inclusive]. Setting up of a Regional Council for Tuensang is provided for [in sub-clause (d) of clause (1) of Art. 371A]. Further, there is the Nagaland Tribe, Area, Range and Village Council Act of 1966 which provides for the creation of such Councils - a tribal council for each tribe, an Area Council for Kohima and Dimapur, a Range Council where there is a recognized range in the Mokukchung and Kohima Districts and Village Councils for one or more villages in Kohima and Mokokchung, wherever they may be deemed necessary by the Deputy Commissioner.

The Nagaland Tribe, Area, Range and Village Council Act is a highly centralised piece of legislation which vests enormous powers in the person of the Deputy Commissioner of the respective districts and gives local bodies little or no effective role in managing their own affairs. Because of a complicated political situation, caused by turmoil, a sense of identity as well as violence, there is little sense of ownership of these systems. An exception, to a degree, is the innovative Village Development Board (VDB) scheme which was started in the 1970s. This was set up initially by the State Government to enable village councils to function effectively and autonomously, with some basic funds put at their disposal to use as they felt best. Later, the VDBs began receiving Central funds and currently about 1,000 of them are functional with assets totalling about 20 crore rupees.

Tripura

The Tripura Panchayats Act was passed in 2001. Tripura's Panchayats cover only one-third of the State. Two-thirds of the area is with the TTAADC under the Sixth Schedule.

The Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTADC) was formed in 1985, a successor to an earlier Council area formed in 1982 under the Fifth Schedule and then transferred to the Sixth Schedule. Again, this was a paternalistic intervention to meet an ethnic demand for preservation of tribal rights in the face of what has been seen as a majoritarian flow. One must remember that Tripura was, till after independence, a dominantly tribal state. Migrations and settlements from East Bengal/East Pakistan made it a Bengali Hindu majority area. The TTAADC has 28 elected members; two are nominated by the Governor on the basis of the Chief Executive Members' recommendation. The nominated members must be tribals. The population structure of Tripura is two-third non tribal and one-third tribal of the total of 3.1 million (2001 Census, Provisional). Yet, the TTADC comprises two-third of the State's geographical size.

Mizoram

There are three Autonomous District Councils in Mizoram, viz. the Lai Autonomous District Council, the Mara Autonomous District Council and the Chakma Autonomous District Council. These are representative of numerically small populations of which the Lai is the largest with 40,000 persons. The percentage of Scheduled Tribes in each Council area is 98.7 per cent, 97.7 per cent and 100 per cent respectively.

There are demands from groups such as the Paites in western Mizoram, the Hmars (who already have a Hill Development Council) and the Brus (Reangs) for autonomous District Councils. This can be decided only through a process of political consensus but suffice to say that given the Memorandum of Settlement between the Government of Mizoram and the Hmar Peoples Convention (27 July 1994), the GOM agreed to extend the Sixth Schedule Provisions to the Hmar demand area. It has not been able to do so, despite many requests from the HPC. The cases of Paites and the Bru (Reangs) will also need to be reviewed in the light of this agreement. Otherwise, there is every possibility of radicalisation growing, especially among the youth. A difficult issue is that of the Bru, many of whom were evicted by a campaign against them. An estimated 40,000 have taken refuge in neighbouring Tripura. The Bru have demanded a separate autonomous council which is opposed by the State Government.

Manipur

Manipur adopted the Manipur Panchayat Act in 1994 and the most recent elections here took place in January 2001. The State Government has not devolved a number of the subjects to the Panchayats and elected members went on strike, demanding reinstatement of their rights. The 73rd and 74th Amendments are applicable only to those parts of Manipur which are in the plains and are yet to be fully implemented.

Manipur has been seeking Sixth Schedule status for its hill areas for decades and nothing much has come of it, leading to opinion that the demand was not really serious. The communities in the Hills of Manipur have traditionally comprised of about one-third of the total population of the State. Various Naga Tribes, including the Tangkhuls, dominate the Hills of Manipur. Manipur too does not have Scheduled areas but has some laws and district councils governing its Hill areas.

The Government of Manipur as per the provisions of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971 passed by the Parliament constituted six Autonomous District Councils for the tribal people for the hill areas of Senapati and Sadar (Senapati district), Ukhrul, Chandel, Churachandpur and Tamenglong districts. These councils were outside the purview of the Sixth Schedule and were different from the ones formed under the Sixth Schedule in at least two ways. Manipur being promoted to full statehood was entitled to the provisions of the Fifth Schedule but no scheduled area was proclaimed there. ADCs in Manipur were established under the 5th Schedule of the constitution, unlike those in Mizoram (and other Northeastern states) under the Sixth Schedule. While the latter have extensive legislative, executive and judicial powers and secure sources of finance, 5th Schedule ADCs have little autonomy. First, no area was declared as ‘tribal area’ as in Assam, Meghalaya, and Mizoram; and secondly, these councils only had the status of territorial councils with some administrative control. Manipur’s tribal leaders have been demanding conversion of their ADCs to 6th Schedule status and have, since 1990, been boycotting ADC elections to press their demands. Keeping this in mind, the Government of Manipur passed a cabinet resolution demanding the imposition of the Sixth Schedule in these areas. The Hill Areas Committee of the Manipur State Assembly passed a resolution in 1974 recommending the replacement of district councils by the Sixth Schedule. Two successive state governments in 1991 and 1992 echoed this demand and recommendations were sent by the state government to the Centre. However, the issue still remains pending with the Government of India.

Sixth Schedule debate in Manipur

Can there be Sixth Schedule areas in Manipur? The public debate within Manipur is polarised on this issue. At one end of the spectrum are local committees like the Sixth Schedule Demand Committee of Manipur which states that though the Schedule is the best available mechanism to govern autonomous tribal areas, it needs to be further strengthened and improved. At the other end of the spectrum are the organizations of the two main tribes, i.e., the Kukis and Nagas, who see the Schedule as a means of suppressing the demands for a separate homeland. They want extension of Article 370 and amendment of Article 371 to maintain the 1949 territorial integrity of Manipur. The Meiteis, prefer the recognition of traditional village council structures instead of the Sixth Schedule. The Meities oppose the demand fearing further demand for statehood.

Arunachal Pradesh

In Arunachal Pradesh, there is also a traditional gathering of villagers known as the kebang, which meets to sort out problems. In some cases, it may be adultery, in others theft. Most tribes of Arunachal Pradesh follow their customary laws but the Sixth Schedule does not apply to them. The administrative system evolved under the British continues to be used. Arunachal Pradesh (erstwhile NEFA) is the first hill state of the Northeastern to have introduced the Panchayati System. The state introduced the Panchayats as early as 1969 though it was only in 1987 that Arunachal Pradesh attained the status of a full-fledged State. The Arunachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act was passed in 1994.

Shortcomings in ADCs

The District Councils have powers to make rules for the District Councils’ finances, taxes etc. The member in-charge of the finance is responsible for the management and control of funds. However, various financial irregularities committed by the councils are conspicuous. The grants-in-aid are misused by diverting under different heads, particularly in non-plan expenditure. Another reason for the inadequate performance of the Councils is their dependence on State Governments for financial grants and allotments. The District Councils neither enforce the tax regulations strictly nor realises the amount efficiently, resulting in meager tax returns.

The District Councils are empowered to establish, construct and manage primary schools and also prescribe their medium of instructions. Despite these, the rate of literacy among the tribesmen of the District Councils (Karbi-Anglong, North Cachar Hills and Kamala Nagar (Headquarters of Chakma District Council) is low and discouraging.

Some District Councils have failed to set up courts at village and other levels. The Karbi Anglong District Council could not create judiciary because of reluctance of the State Government to release fund. Most of the courts at the District Councils level manned by reject politicians or people without any judicial background or training. Many District Councils have not yet codified all customary laws in the autonomous districts. Customary laws are hardly observed.

One of the sources of finance of the District Councils is the share of royalty accruing each year from licenses and leases for the purpose of prospecting for or extraction of minerals granted by the State Government in respect of any area within the District Council. But the District Councils often allege that the share of royalty is not paid to the concerned District Councils regularly by the State Government.

Lack of coordination among ADCs and the State Governments

There is no provision for coordination of the activities of the District Council, the Regional Council and the State Government. The State has no power to review and assess the working of these councils except to approve their legislations by the Governor and to sanction loans and grants for development schemes. As a result, the councils do not surrender the unspent balances of the grants to the State Government.

The elected members in councils and the office-bearers, who are normally from the elite group of tribal society, have vested interests in preserving the exploitative structure and have created a class, which has cornered all the privileges. They have underminded the purpose of the Sixth Schedule to build a democratic edifice for the Councils. The Sixth Schedule has become an alibi for social freeze serving the few at the cost of majority.

Conflicting atmosphere

The Autonomous District Council is a body created by the Parliament. The Autonomous District Council is a body corporate and so such; it appears that the council may act independently of the State Legislature. But the position in actual practice is quite different. The Governor being the head of the State is also the head of the District council. He suspends any act or resolution of the District Council, which he thinks necessary including the suspension of the council. He may assume to himself all or some of the functions and powers of the councils for a period of six months. He may also dissolve the council on the recommendation of an Inquiry Commission.

Administrative complexities and contradictions characterise the order of local governance in various states in the Northeast, which are highlighted below.

Local Government Structure in the Northeast

State Panchayati Raj Institution (PRI) /6th Schedule/None

Assam Both PRI and 6th Schedule
Arunachal Pradesh Only PRI
Manipur Only PRI (some ADCs under 5th Schedule)
Meghalaya Only 6th Schedule
Mizoram Only 6th Schedule
Tripura Both PRI and 6th Schedule
Sikkim Only PRI
Nagaland None, Village Development Boards (VDBs)

Development Boards (VDs)

In spite of these limitations underlying the provisions of the Sixth Schedule this is also true that the District Councils and the regional councils have provided a fair degree of autonomy for the tribal people living in Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur and Mizoram. The real problem has been with its execution and true spirit and intent. Perhaps there is a need to train the members of ADCs in their tasks rather than strangulate their initiatives by amendments giving more power to the State Government. In the same vein the Governor’s discretionary powers need to be insulated from undue influence of the state governments.

It also needs to be understood that the Northeast is not a tribal-majority region. Tribals hold a majority of the non-productive land in the hills, but two-thirds of the regional population lives on one-third of the land.

* The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland

Prospects of Organic Farming in the North-East

Prospects of Organic Farming in the North-East

Rajesh Verma*
Publication: The Otherside, Vo. 21, No. 11, November 2008

In the rapid pace of development we have inflicted serious damage to the natural resources and consequently we are now faced with questions as where is clean water? Where is healthy crop? And where is refreshing air? These questions have given rise to a process of serious thinking to safeguard the environment and the quality of natural resources for sustainability. As a result more and more emphasis is being given towards ‘back to nature’ slogans and adoption of organic farming.

Components of Organic

Major components of organic farming are crop rotation, maintenance and enhancement of soil fertility through biological nitrogen fixation, addition of organic manure and use of soil microorganisms, crop residues, bio-pesticide, biogas slurry, waste etc. Vermiculture has become a major component in biological farming, which is found to be effective in enhancing the soil fertility and producing large numbers of horticultural crops in a sustainable manner.

Organic Crops

Advantages of Organic crops

Organic products are created using natural ingredients that were grown without chemical pesticides and fertilizers; haven’t been treated with preservatives, hormones, or medicines; and don’t contain artificial additives. Organic crops have been shown to be more tolerant as well as resistant to insect attack. Organic rice is reported to have thicker cell walls and lower levels of free amino acids than conventional rice. Soil-borne root diseases are generally less severe on organic farms than conventional farms. It has been demonstrated that organically produced foods have lower levels of pesticides and medicinal and hormonal residues and in many cases lower nitrate contents. Quality after storage has been reported to be better in organic produce relative to chemical based produce after comparative tests. Organic crops can be raised in the following:

• Cereals: wheat, paddy, jowar, bajra, maize
• Pulses: Pigeonpea, chickpea, greengram, blackgram, chana,
• Oilseeds: groundnut, Castor, mustard, sesame
• Commodities: Cotton, sugarcane, particularly for Sugarcandy (gur)
• Spices: Ginger, Turmeric, Chillies, cumin
• Plantation Crops: Tea, Coffee, Cardamom
• Fruits: banana, sapota, custard apple and papaya
• Vegetables: Tomato, brinjal, cucurbits, cole crops, leafy vegetables


Nutritional inputs for Healthy soil

Animal dung, crop residues, green manure, bio-fertilizers and bio-solids from agro-industries and food processing wastes are some of the potential sources of nutrients of organic farm. Organic manure covers manure made from cattle dung, excreta of other animals, rural and urban composts, other animal wastes, crop residues and green manures. Application of organic manure is the only option to improve the soil organic carbon for sustenance of soil quality and future agricultural productivity. Future of sustainable development of agriculture, next to water, depends on arresting fall in organic matter in soils. Organic farming uses helpful insects to combat pests and natural fertilizers like compost and manure, or crop rotation, to keep vital nutrients in the soil. The benefits of using organic products go far beyond health concerns. Healthy soil contains microbes beneficial to plants and thick earthy hummus that retains water, reducing the need for artificial irrigation and the rate of topsoil erosion. Rural and urban compost improves the water holding capacity of the soil. This is how these wastes are useful in improving the fertility and productivity of soils.

The North-East

The North-East constitutes eight states and covers an area of 2.62 lakh sq.km. accounting for 7.9% of total geographical area of the country. With a total population of 39 million (2001), it accounts for 3.8% of total population of India. It is a region with strong natural and human resources. More than 64 per cent of the total geographical area is covered by thick and deciduous forest (164.101 million hectares under forest). Except a small valley plain of about 30 per cent, the rest of about 70 per cent of the total area is hilly and mountainous track of very steep to moderate slope. Thirty per cent of valley plain consists of upland, lowland, deep water and very deep water ecological situation. The North-East in totality is placed amongst the poorest regions of the country with per capita per annum NNP at Rs. 12407 compared to the national average at Rs. 17978 i.e. about 69% of the all India per capita NNP. The number of people dependent on agriculture is over 86 per cent. By and large production condition in agriculture is traditional. Rice is the major crop in the region. The agricultural productivity is the lowest, irrigation facility almost non-existent in many of the areas and consumption of fertilizer is extremely low in the region.

Roots of organic farming in the North-East

Organic farming is not new to the farming community of the North-East. The farmers have retained traditional practices and have shown an inclination towards organic farming that is being harnessed for the development of the region with ecological benefits. Several forms of organic farming are being successfully practiced in diverse climate, particularly in rain fed, tribal, mountains and hill areas of the region. The region provides considerable scope and opportunity for organic farming due to least utilization of chemical inputs. It is estimated that 18 million hectare of such land is available in the North-East, which can be exploited for organic production. With the sizable acreage under naturally organic/default organic cultivation, the North-East has tremendous potential to grow crops organically and emerge as a major producer of organic products.

Considering the hill ecology, the possible adverse effects of most modern methods in industry and agriculture on the plains, its abundance of difficult yet fertile tracts of land, its tribal customs of land tenure, its economic strength in terms of livestock ownership and limitations of terrain and irrigation, organic farming seems as a promising avenue for development.

Favourable Conditions

The region has remarkable advantages of fertile and organically rich soils, ample rainfall and water resources, river valleys, swamps and streams and great climatic diversity supporting diverse cropping possibilities. On the other hand the slopes and heavy rain make soil matters unstable and acidic and the slope and conditions favourable to rapid vegetative proliferation make agriculture and land management tedious and highly labour intensive process. The soils are also suitable for cultivation of a number of fruit crops such as jackfruit, arecanut, mango, orange etc, which are commonly grown but mostly for home consumption and sustenance purposes. A large part of the region is forested contributing significantly to the 22% coverage at the national level.

Growing Popularity

The popularity of organic farming is gradually increasing and now organic agriculture is practised in almost all the states of the Northeast, and its share of agricultural land and farms is growing. Among all farming systems, organic farming is gaining wide attention among farmers, entrepreneurs, policy makers and agricultural scientists of the Northeast for varied reasons such as it minimizes the dependence on chemical inputs (fertilizers; pesticides; herbicides and other agro-chemicals) thus safeguards/improves quality of resources, and environment. It is labour intensive and provides an opportunity to increase rural employment and achieve long-term improvements in the quality of resource base. The interest in organic agriculture is growing because it places more reliance on the natural and human resources available, requires less financial input and provides safe food while conserving the environment.

Economics of organic farming

The demand for “organic food” is rapidly growing. Certified “organic food” is presently grown on about 31 million ha in the world (1.1 million ha in India). Today, the global organic food market is growing at the rates of 20 to 30 per cent annum with the current global trade of around $26 billion. Within a decade it is expected to reach a whopping $100 billion. However, India’s share in the organic food market is only 0.18 percent that comes from 45,000 hectares of land under organic farming. It is in this context the northeastern region can play a major role. There are two main reasons that make the region most viable area for organic farming. The naturally evolved technology practice can be guided to follow a more organised course for greater benefit in national and international markets. At the same time livestock and vegetable products promote value addition through processing activities and promotion of systematic organic farming and food processing can help in drawing investment which will enable meaningful participation of the labour force with gender equity and integration of the region with outside economy while retaining indigenous characters that deserve conservation.

Recent Developments

The Agricultural and Processed food Products Export Development Authority (APEDA) has identified three northeastern states – Sikkim, Mizoram and Nagaland to launch the organic farming in the region. Tripura’s pineapple and Assam’s joha rice are already being promoted as organic. Mizoram and Manipur may go for organic passion fruits. Opportunities are beckoning the organic farmers and they are hopeful that the region can become a major supplier of organic foods and products as the region has a natural advantage.

Global Certification

Of course, non-use of chemicals does not make a farming system organic; it is more than that you need to manage the entire food production chain and observe a strict organic farming regime. Besides, there are other aspects involved in the entire organic farming systems and trade. Most important of all is the certification of the organic zones, production processes and the organic farm products. The north-eastern states managed to achieve the distinction of emerging as a hub for production and export of organic spices in India. The global certifying agency Indocert has certified lands 300 hectare of land in Meghalaya for turmeric and ginger cultivation, Manipur for ginger and turmeric cultivation, and Arunachal Pradesh for black pepper. According to the Spices Board, currently the total area under conversion or certification process is 2220.58 hectare (ha). Demand for organically produced foods is growing rapidly in developed countries and the products command a premium. The board estimates that the region can create exportable surpluses at competitive prices so that the top slot occupied by the country in the international spice market would be maintained. By default, the land and agriculture practice is organic and with some efforts from the state, the region could export organic spices, board source said. Organic spice exports from this region are likely to get a big boost after receiving this Organic Certification. The Spices Board expects to export organic spices worth Rs 240-260 crore by 2012 AD.

Organic Blocks or Organic Villages

Organic Farming is becoming important in the agriculture sector in the North-East, largely through the efforts of small groups of farmers. The government is encouraging to establish organic blocks or villages for integrated Organic Farming. Farmer cooperative Associations have been asked to take up a few organic blocks for organic farming, prepare projects and submit them to the Government of India. Meanwhile, the Government of India has earmarked Rs. 100 crore during the Tenth Five-Year plan for the development of organic farming. Northeast can take advantage of this opportunity to transform its underused farmlands into a highly-remunerative enterprise, creating rural jobs and environmental sustainability.

Constrains

The communal land holding system of most tribal custom, lack of clear-cut ownership laws, relatively free access to land for cultivation prevent land in physical terms from being any serious constraining factor in agriculture. Given the extensity of geographical area relative to population, the forested and sloppy terrains and the land rights, the farm size could even incorporate an element of choice. Irrigation intensity is low as the mountain terrain has somehow made it difficult to exploit the ground water potential and in most states sources other than canals and wells supply most of all the irrigation water. The cropping pattern however suggests the known tendency to concentrate in food grains, rice in this case, mainly driven by the urge for subsistence.

Jhum or shifting Cultivation

Jhum cultivation was a full proof system for the people of the NE region; they have been doing it for centuries. However, today we say jhum is not good because the jhum cycle has reduced. Had the cycle been 10-15 years, jhum still would have continued to be one of the best practices. But because of the constraint in land availability and population explosion we cannot leave a land fallow for 10-15 years now as it was done before. And, because they have to come back to the site within a period of 3 to 5 years, that particular land does not get enough time for natural degeneration of soil fertility.

A large part of the population in Mizoram, Nagaland and Megahalaya is tribal. Among the tribal practices in agriculture, jhuming is prevalent, covering about 90% of agricultural land in Mizoram and Nagaland. This traditional practice evolved through the pressure to generate food under difficult circumstances has deleterious effect on forest and soil fertility and has been discouraged greatly by the government. Jhum or shifting cultivation is economically non-viable and ecologically damaging. In terms of production, too, the traditional systems do not promise anything rewarding to the farmers. At the moment over 16 lakh ha areas are under the shifting cultivation in the northeast where no chemical fertilizers or pesticides are used, which can be immediately converted into vast organic zones.

The commissions/committees set up by the Govt. of India recognized the potential for horticulture development in North-East and recommended that a concerted effort needed to be made to exploit this potential in the interest of increasing farm incomes and generating employment. The region has favourable and diverse agro-climatic conditions, with abundant rainfall, offering immense scope for horticultural development. The wide genetic resource base and several production systems available in the Region also make the Region suitable for the production of a large range of horticultural crops.

A steering committee on organic food under the chairmanship of a great agriculturist Dr. M. S. Swaminathan, identified the region as the priority area for organic farming. The renowned agricultural described the region as a cultural and genetic paradise and granary of mega biodiversity in terms of flora and fauna as well as micro-flora and micro-fauna. Northeast India’s upland areas can be the major source of organic Foods. “It’s time,” Dr. Swaminathan, told a gathering of distinguished agro-scientists at Guahati a few years ago, “that we move from the Green Revolution to the Ever Green Revolution.” This might as well begin from the North-Eeast. The region could become the country’s biggest source for organic foods and a major export center for the global organic market.

Paradise and prosperity

Organic agriculture has contributed to a significant increase in profitability and household incomes, and improved soil conditions. It has also contributed to the reduction of environmental risks for producers of some high value crops in areas with favourable market access. But it has had less impact for producers in more remote areas.

The northeastern region is an unexplored paradise for agribusiness. Sooner it is harvested, better it will be for dawn of prosperity and peace in the region.

*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland

Manipur Beyond Terror

Manipur Beyond Terror
Rajesh Verma*
Publication: the Other Side, Vol. 21,No. 9, September 2008 (p.p. 38-40)

India is one among the twelve mega biodiversity countries in the world with the North East and Western Ghats as the two identified global biodiversity hot spots. Manipur, which is referred as the ‘Jewel of India’, has an abundance of wetlands harboring rich biodiversity. Loktak Lake is the most important and ancient lake. It is the largest freshwater lake in northeastern India and called as the "Floating lake" due to the formation of phumdis (floating islands). In the middle of the lake sanctuary, there is a national park known as Keibul Lamjao National Park.Giant mats of reeds and weeds dot Loktak lake. The reeds, which are covered with soil, support Manipur's world famous brow-antlered deer (Cervus eldi eldi), which the locals call Sangai. The lake plays an important role in the ecological balance and economic security of the region.

General Features

Loktak lake is a floodplain wetland of Manipur River, which is flooded by its lateral flows as well as back flow of water from Sugunu. Further, confluence of several rivers, particularly Chakpi, are responsible for inundation of large areas.

The lake is oval shaped with maximum length and width of 32 km and 13 km respectively. The depth of the lake varies between 0.5 and 4.6m with average recorded at 2.7m. The lake covers an area of 287 sq km. The elevation varies from 780 m at the foothills adjoining the central valley to about 2068 m above mean sea level at peak. There are 14 hills varying in size and elevation, appearing as islands, in the southern part of the lake. The most prominent among these are Sendra, Ithing and Thanga islands.

The characteristic feature of Loktak is the presence of floating islands, locally called phumdis. They are a heterogeneous mass of soil, vegetation and organic matter at various stages of decomposition.

Social & Cultural Values

Loktak lake has been considered to be the lifeline for the people of Manipur due to its importance in their socio-economic and cultural life, besides influencing the climate of the State. The socio - economic values of the lake include hydropower generation (Loktak Hydel National Project), irrigation of 24,000 ha of agricultural land, fisheries, control of floods, supply of drinking water, production of aquatic organisms of food and of commercial importance, and various uses of phoomdi and water transport. More than 100,000 people, on and around the lake, depend for their livelihood to a great extent on the lake fishery, which is now a mix of capture and culture systems. The lake yields about 1,500 tonnes of fish per year.

Biodiversity

The Loktak Lake with its numerous floating lands covers a variety of habitats which sustains rich biological diversity. The aquatic macro-phytes comprising 233 species belonging to emergent as well as submergent, free-floating and rooted floating-leaf types have been reported in the lake. A total of 425 species of animals (249 vertebrates and 176 invertebrates) have been identified from the lake.

The total faunal diversity is likely to be much higher as many species have not been properly described. The fauna includes some rare (e.g. the reptile Python molurus) and endangered species (e.g. Muntiacus muntjak and Cervus eldi eldi). At least one species of bird is reported to have become extinct.

Loktak Lake provides refuge to thousands of birds which belong to at least 116 species. Of these 21 species of waterfowl are migratory, most migrating from different parts of the northern hemisphere beyond the Himalayas.

Keibul Lamjao National Park

Gazetted as a sanctuary in 1969, Keibul Lamjao officially became a national park in 1977. It stretches over an area of about 40 sq km, surrounded by marshes, hillocks, and the lake itself. A number of streams too crisscross Keibul Lamjao, which, combined with extensive marshes, make the park a typical wetland. This Park is the last natural refuge of the sangai, with an estimated population of 106 (in 1991).

The Keibul Lamjao National Park is the only floating National Park in the world. It is situated on phumdies. It is also the home of other endangered species including a species of python (Python molurus molurus). It has been the breeding ground of a number of migratory fishes from the Irrawady - Chindwin river system and continues to be vital as a fish habitat. It is of enormous socio - economic importance for the inhabitants of Manipur valley.

The saga of Sangai

Locally known as Sangai, this sub-species of deer was reported to be completely extinct in 1951, but a fresh survey conducted revealed that a few animals still existed in the park. Sangai are specially adapted to this floating habitat, with their characteristic hooves unlike other deer species which help the animal walk conveniently over the floating islands. A much-loved creature in Manipuri folklore and dance tradition (so much so that it's even known as the `dancing deer'), the sangai after being re-discovered, has finally become Keibul Lamjao's prime attraction.

Ithai Barrage

In 1983, a multipurpose project was commissioned for generation of hydel power and irrigation by construction of a barrage at Ithai. This has brought about drastic changes in hydrological system and converted a natural wetland with fluctuating water level into a reservoir with more or less constant water level. This has led to inclusion of Loktak Lake in the Ramsar List of Wetlands of International Importance.

Construction of Ithai Barrage across Manipur River has interfered with the migration of fishes from Chindwin-Irrawady River system of Myanmar and consequently brought changes in the species composition. There has been an inundation of agricultural lands and displacement of people from flooded lands. The barrage has a negative effect on fish population and diversity. The decrease in the thickness of phumdis in the Keibul Lamjao National Park thereby threatening the survival of Sangai deer is also the result of the Ithai barrage.

Lake Management

Realizing the problems of Loktak Lake, the Government of Manipur constituted Loktak Development Authority (LDA) in 1986 for the overall improvement and management of the Lake. The objective of the Authority is to check deteriorating conditions of the lake and to bring about improvement of the lake along with the development in the fields of fisheries, agriculture, tourism and afforestation in consultation with the concerned departments of the State Government. The LDA in consultation with the Ministry of Forest and Environment (MoEF) prepared a Management Action Plan (MAP) at a total cost of Rs. 10.9 million in 1996 for a period of five years. The action plan could not be implemented as proposed in the plan due to lack of funds. With the limited funds mainly provided by Finance Commission and MoEF, LDA undertook activities such as afforestation in critical micro-watersheds, horticulture plantation, small scale engineering measure for erosion control, limited desiltation and dredging of channels, removal of phumdis from selected pockets of lake, peripheral bunding in the low-lying areas and widening of Moirang - Sendra road.

Loktak Lake in peril

The lake is under stress mainly due to pressure exerted by growing human population. Deforestation and shifting cultivation in the catchment area has promoted soil erosion resulting in increased lake siltation. The problem has further been aggravated by the prolific growth of phumdis. Besides, fertilizers from the catchment area and domestic sewage from Imphal city is carried by Nambul River, which finally discharges into the lake. Pesticides used in the agricultural fields are also washed off into the lake. In addition to above threats, encroachments through construction of fishponds, roads and settlements have gradually led to degradation of the lake ecosystem.

The vicarious problems of the Loktak Lake can be traced to the loss of vegetal cover in the catchment area and construction of barrages in the upstream and particularly Ithai Barrage in the southern part of the lake.

The specific issues

Siltation - Jhum cultivation, extensive deforestation and unscientific land use practices in the catchment area are responsible for deposition of large quantity of silt annually in the Lake.

Weed Infestation - Rapid proliferation of phumdis and aquatic weeds have led to reduced water holding capacity, deterioration of water quality, interference in navigation, and overall reduction in aesthetic values of the lake.

Loss of Biodiversity - The populations of migratory and resident waterfowl have declined during last few decades due to poaching and changes in ecological character of the lake. The habitat of Sangai deer in Keibul Lamjao National Park is threatened due to thinning of phumdis and poaching. Thirty five animal species (5 mammals, 3 birds, 9 reptiles, 3 amphibians, 12 fishes, 2 molluscs and 1 annelid) which were reported to exist abundantly in the past, have declined and are now disappearing gradually.

Decrease in Fisheries Production - Over exploitation, indiscriminate methods of fishing, extensive growth of phumdis and weeds are responsible for decrease in fisheries production.

Pollution – There is a deterioration of water quality due to the inflow of organo-chlorine pesticides and chemical fertilizers and municipal wastes.

Human Settlements

There are 55 rural and urban settlements around the lake with a total population of about 100,000 people. The natural levees of Manipur River and its tributaries are densely inhabited. The houses are made on stilts right into the marginal areas of the lake. A large number of fishermen live on the Thonga, Karang, Ithing and Sendra islands. Further, a large population of fishermen lives on some 688 floating huts of which many have been converted into permanent dwellings. It has been estimated that about 4000 people live in these floating huts for fishing activities. Apart from the people living in the close vicinity of the lake, it has been estimated that about 1,21,000 people live in 546 hill villages.

There is a greater need to protect and preserve the world’s famous and unique lake considering the human and environment needs. Various plans for conserving and using this lake should be created in such a way that humans and nature can co-exist. Sangai is one of the most visible attribute of Manipuri sub-nationalism. Will Manipuris wake up and work constructively as have they done for the Kangla fort to save this treasure from erasure? Else another Sharmila is in the offing!

*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland.

Women’s movements in Northeast

Women’s movements in Northeast
Rajesh Verma*
Publication: the OtherSide, Vol. 21, No. 7, August 2008, (p.p. 32-34)

In any society, women constitute significant pillar of social change. The Northeast has been a cauldron of unrest from the time of India’s independence. The region has witnessed an escalation of violence to an unprecedented scale in the last two decades. The role of women in peacemaking is particularly important in the context of Northeast because like most other conflict areas, the Northeast has witnessed massive displacement of men from the urban areas, which has some visibility and women form the major part of the civil society there.

Political Women

In the Northeast, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh have no women in their state assemblies. Out of a total of 4,120 MLAs in 28 states and two union territories, there were a total of 280 women — under 7 per cent of all MLAs compared to about 9.5 per cent women MPs in Lok Sabha. There are a total of 51 women MPs in the 14th Lok Sabha and 280 women MLAs across all state assemblies. Only three women in Tripura and one in Meghalaya managed to win last assembly polls though the northeastern states had more female candidates in fray than the national average. Assam leads the group of northeastern states with 10.3 per cent of its assembly being represented by women.

Though in most of the northeastern states of India, women are marginalized in institutional politics yet they are known for their active participation in the social, economic, cultural and political life of the state. Unlike women in other parts of India, they are found to be independent, courageous, and assertive and react effectively against any wrong doings of the ruling authority. They have always been in the forefront in fighting for their rights, protesting against injustice and violence and also in defending their husbands and sons. Women’s peace groups in Manipur and Nagaland have achieved enormous success. They have become an important and necessary component of their own societies. Their involvement in developmental activities has increased their effectiveness and their acceptance in their own society. Though women hardly figure dominantly in electoral politics yet there are other areas in the public sphere where they have made their presence felt.

Women’s movements in Manipur

One of the interesting aspects of Manipur is that, the women are more empowered than most other races. Manipuri women are perhaps the most politically empowered in the country. Women have also played major roles in the politics of Manipur. Not that they have been playing a decisive role in politics, but women groups do have a say in many matters. Manipuri women have inherited the active participation of earlier women in the economy of the state. Women are contributing a lot in the organized and unorganized sectors of the economy.

Milestones of Manipuri women’s movement

‘Nupi Lan’, ‘Meira Paibis’, ‘Nisha Bandh’ — ‘Women’s War’, ‘Torch Bearers,’ ‘No To Alcohol’ — these are the milestones of Manipuri women’s movement. Manipuri women today eulogise trace their origin from the military deeds of Linthoingambi of Ningthou Khomba, who was known to have saved her palace from attacks by the enemy. During the last century there were two women led uprisings in Manipur known as the Nupi Lan and Meira Paibies.

Nupi Lan or Nupi Lal (Women's War)

One also hears of Women Warriors in Jhansi Ki Rani or Joan of Arc, but Nupi Lan can be dated back to 1939 when a very important event took place in the form of an uprising called the Nupi Lan. It was an uprising by women solely for a social cause when women stood up against what they called chak tangba (inflation of food i.e. rice). The war or uprising started when women protested against exports of Rice to Assam to feed the British when Rice itself became scarce in Manipur in 1939. Nupi Lan which started as a rice agitation against the government’s policy, later evolved into a movement of constitutional, political, and economic reforms in Manipur. It is observed every year on December 12 to remember the uprising of the women folk against the artificial rice scarcity during the British Raj in 1939.

Meira Paibis (Woman Torchbearers)

In the 70s, the women of Manipur came out from home and started a mass movement for the maintenance of social order and peace in Manipur. They started an anti-liquor movement in urban as well as in rural areas when the peaceful social order in the localities was disturbed by the persons involved in selling and drinking of liquor. Women in the concerned localities gathered their strength and asserted their capabilities in checking and controlling the persons who were involved in the selling and drinking of liquor as well as those persons involved in the transaction of liquor business. The women in groups at this stage were known as Nisha Bandhis and their organization as Nisha Bandh Organization. Due to the immense pressure from the women’s groups the Government of Manipur declared Manipur a dry state. This was a victory for the Nisha Bandhis or the Meira Paibis.

From being an informal group to punish drunkards and anti-social elements, the movement has evolved to a political force. Women ever since have learnt the power of group effort and have taken up many social causes, the latest being the Manorama case when a dozen Manipuri women stripped to protest against army excesses in the state.

The Meira Paibis are also involved in resolving family conflicts, in checking and controlling immoral traffic, in arresting and handing over the persons who are involved in drug trafficking, illegal and immoral relationship between men and women, land disputes between neighbors.

Current events in Manipur reflect how important women’s groups are in civil society movements in Northeast India. The Maira Paibis have become an institution in their own rights today.

Women in Nagaland

Apart from the Meira Paibis there is the Naga Mothers Association (NMA) of Nagaland that has been very active in Northeast India. The NMA has rendered valuable service for the cause of peace. Their theme was ‘Shed No More Blood’. An achievement of NMA is the formation of the Peace Team in October 1994 to confront the deteriorating political situation. The NMA spoke against killings not only by the army but also by the militants.

The NMA celebrates the 12th of May each year as the Mother’s Day and renew their appeal for peace. Apart from peace initiatives the NMA has worked for social regeneration. It provides facilities for de-addiction and has also started anonymous HIV testing. They are probably the first women’s organisation in the Northeast to test pregnant women for HIV virus. The NMA is providing pioneering service for care of patients afflicted with Aids. NMA’s greatest achievement is that most Naga women’s organisations are its collaborators. The NMA has assumed enormous influence in Naga politics is borne out by the fact that they are the only women’s group in South Asia who has participated in a cease-fire negotiation. In 1997 they mediated between the GOI and the NSCN (IM) faction and facilitated a cease-fire.

Women’s movement in Assam

The women’s movement in Assam is almost as old as the freedom movement in this region. Asom Mahila Samiti was established in 1926 under the leadership of Chandraprabha Saikiani, which was later rechristened as Asom Pradeshik Mahila Samiti. The Tezpur District Mahila Samiti, a major constituent of the Asom Pradeshik Maliha Samiti was established in 1929, and it was under these two organisations that the movement for empowerment of women made significant steps in empowering the women folk in Assam.

The long history of Assam is replete with several instances of women's bold and strong roles in spite of their traditional roles in a patriarchal family set up. Women of Assam also played a significant role in the freedom struggle too. Assam has innumerable examples of women who had shown excellence in different fields and who are at par with their male counterparts. Women have also played a significant role in politics.

In Assam there are a number of interventions for peace by women’s groups but they are largely issues based. During and after the army atrocities in Nalbari and North Lakhimpur in 1989 and 1991 respectively, a number of women’s groups for peace sprung up. The most outstanding of these was the Matri Manch based in Guwahati. This group became the rallying point for mothers whose sons have disappeared. They rallied around the issue of abuse of women. They took out protest marches against sexual abuses and violence against women. Initially, they were tolerated when they protested against statist acts of violence but when their protest became more general different insurgent groups threatened them. There are other groups such as a number of Bodo women’s groups such as the Bodo Women’s Justice Forum that organise issue-based peace marches and protests.

Meghalaya: a matrilineal society

The general assumption is that Meghalaya is a matriarchal society. One hears a lot about matriarchal societies. One hears about Kerala and the Northeast, Meghalaya in particular. The fact is that neither of these states ever practiced Matriarchy. In matriarchal system, women have power in all activities relating to allocation, exchange and production, as well as socio-cultural and political power.

When descent and inheritance are traced through women, it’s called a matrilineal system, but the matriliny is only a sub-system of matriarchy and does not mean that the women hold any power except in domestic matters (including control over children). In this case the society is termed as a Matrilocal or even a Matrifocal society, but not matriarchal. However, women in the matrilineal/matrilocal system have a higher status in society than women in a patriarchal system, even if matriliny is not practiced anymore and even if women do not hold more power than the men. In Meghalaya (and in fact much of the north-east), there is no purdah system imposed on women, there is no restriction on women’s physical movement, nor their attire. There is no bride burning, female infanticide or foeticide and no dowry (there are instead cases of a bride’s price) and there is no social stigma attached to a widow re-marrying. So, women in Meghalaya are in a better situation than those in other states in India. Traditionally, in Meghalaya it’s the Khasi, Jaintias and Garo tribes (majority of the population of Meghalaya) who practice or used to practice this system.

There are other states which are doing well in terms of women’s participation in politics and in other spheres but if one takes into account the status of women in the family and the sex ratio then certainly Meghalaya stands out as shining examples to the rest of India.

Arunachal Pradesh

Arunachal Pradesh was practically kept in isolation till independence but the condition of women was more or less satisfactory during that period. The women of Arunachal Pradesh are politically and socially empowered ones. They have played major roles in the politics and economy of the state. They are contributing a lot in the organized and unorganized sectors of the economy.

Female literacy in Arunachal Pradesh

By the time of the last census the percentage of growth of family literacy has been tremendous. Between 1971-81 the growth rate of female literacy has been 197.04 percent while between 1981-91 it has been about 184.14 percent. The growth rate in female literacy has far outpaced the growth in male literacy. The rise in literacy level is, therefore, an indicator of women’s mobility in the ladder of socio-economic perspective, the spread of education and growth in literacy among women.

Women’s groups in Mizoram

The Hmeichhe Tangrual (HTP) Pawl was established in 1946, followed by the Mizo Women Organisation (MHIP) in 1964. Initially, the new women organisation raised the need to reform traditional and cultural practices of the Mizos. They raised their voice against discrimination and injustice in the society. Today their activities range from the set up of orphanage, drug de-addiction camp, and movement of protests against rape, domestic violence, reform of customary laws, reform of bride price and many others.

Tripura

The Bengali and tribal women of Tripura are in a better situation than those in many other states in India. There is a gender equity and women pride in the state. Women’s groups have achieved enormous success. They have become an important and necessary component of their own societies.

It is true that women’s movements do not occur in vacuum. They are not just determined by but also determine wider social movements. There is a constant recurrence of such movements in Northeast. Women’s interventions have not only redefined gender stereotypes but have transformed definitions of democracy, nationalism and peace. Women’s groups believe that peace can be achieved through dialogue and political negotiations. They believe that only military solutions cannot bring peace. They work towards a betterment of their own society and in this way they equate peace with justice and development. Therefore, any comprehensive efforts at conflict resolution in the Northeast cannot ignore the role played by women.
*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland.