Manipur Beyond Terror

Manipur Beyond Terror
Rajesh Verma*
Publication: the Other Side, Vol. 21,No. 9, September 2008 (p.p. 38-40)

India is one among the twelve mega biodiversity countries in the world with the North East and Western Ghats as the two identified global biodiversity hot spots. Manipur, which is referred as the ‘Jewel of India’, has an abundance of wetlands harboring rich biodiversity. Loktak Lake is the most important and ancient lake. It is the largest freshwater lake in northeastern India and called as the "Floating lake" due to the formation of phumdis (floating islands). In the middle of the lake sanctuary, there is a national park known as Keibul Lamjao National Park.Giant mats of reeds and weeds dot Loktak lake. The reeds, which are covered with soil, support Manipur's world famous brow-antlered deer (Cervus eldi eldi), which the locals call Sangai. The lake plays an important role in the ecological balance and economic security of the region.

General Features

Loktak lake is a floodplain wetland of Manipur River, which is flooded by its lateral flows as well as back flow of water from Sugunu. Further, confluence of several rivers, particularly Chakpi, are responsible for inundation of large areas.

The lake is oval shaped with maximum length and width of 32 km and 13 km respectively. The depth of the lake varies between 0.5 and 4.6m with average recorded at 2.7m. The lake covers an area of 287 sq km. The elevation varies from 780 m at the foothills adjoining the central valley to about 2068 m above mean sea level at peak. There are 14 hills varying in size and elevation, appearing as islands, in the southern part of the lake. The most prominent among these are Sendra, Ithing and Thanga islands.

The characteristic feature of Loktak is the presence of floating islands, locally called phumdis. They are a heterogeneous mass of soil, vegetation and organic matter at various stages of decomposition.

Social & Cultural Values

Loktak lake has been considered to be the lifeline for the people of Manipur due to its importance in their socio-economic and cultural life, besides influencing the climate of the State. The socio - economic values of the lake include hydropower generation (Loktak Hydel National Project), irrigation of 24,000 ha of agricultural land, fisheries, control of floods, supply of drinking water, production of aquatic organisms of food and of commercial importance, and various uses of phoomdi and water transport. More than 100,000 people, on and around the lake, depend for their livelihood to a great extent on the lake fishery, which is now a mix of capture and culture systems. The lake yields about 1,500 tonnes of fish per year.

Biodiversity

The Loktak Lake with its numerous floating lands covers a variety of habitats which sustains rich biological diversity. The aquatic macro-phytes comprising 233 species belonging to emergent as well as submergent, free-floating and rooted floating-leaf types have been reported in the lake. A total of 425 species of animals (249 vertebrates and 176 invertebrates) have been identified from the lake.

The total faunal diversity is likely to be much higher as many species have not been properly described. The fauna includes some rare (e.g. the reptile Python molurus) and endangered species (e.g. Muntiacus muntjak and Cervus eldi eldi). At least one species of bird is reported to have become extinct.

Loktak Lake provides refuge to thousands of birds which belong to at least 116 species. Of these 21 species of waterfowl are migratory, most migrating from different parts of the northern hemisphere beyond the Himalayas.

Keibul Lamjao National Park

Gazetted as a sanctuary in 1969, Keibul Lamjao officially became a national park in 1977. It stretches over an area of about 40 sq km, surrounded by marshes, hillocks, and the lake itself. A number of streams too crisscross Keibul Lamjao, which, combined with extensive marshes, make the park a typical wetland. This Park is the last natural refuge of the sangai, with an estimated population of 106 (in 1991).

The Keibul Lamjao National Park is the only floating National Park in the world. It is situated on phumdies. It is also the home of other endangered species including a species of python (Python molurus molurus). It has been the breeding ground of a number of migratory fishes from the Irrawady - Chindwin river system and continues to be vital as a fish habitat. It is of enormous socio - economic importance for the inhabitants of Manipur valley.

The saga of Sangai

Locally known as Sangai, this sub-species of deer was reported to be completely extinct in 1951, but a fresh survey conducted revealed that a few animals still existed in the park. Sangai are specially adapted to this floating habitat, with their characteristic hooves unlike other deer species which help the animal walk conveniently over the floating islands. A much-loved creature in Manipuri folklore and dance tradition (so much so that it's even known as the `dancing deer'), the sangai after being re-discovered, has finally become Keibul Lamjao's prime attraction.

Ithai Barrage

In 1983, a multipurpose project was commissioned for generation of hydel power and irrigation by construction of a barrage at Ithai. This has brought about drastic changes in hydrological system and converted a natural wetland with fluctuating water level into a reservoir with more or less constant water level. This has led to inclusion of Loktak Lake in the Ramsar List of Wetlands of International Importance.

Construction of Ithai Barrage across Manipur River has interfered with the migration of fishes from Chindwin-Irrawady River system of Myanmar and consequently brought changes in the species composition. There has been an inundation of agricultural lands and displacement of people from flooded lands. The barrage has a negative effect on fish population and diversity. The decrease in the thickness of phumdis in the Keibul Lamjao National Park thereby threatening the survival of Sangai deer is also the result of the Ithai barrage.

Lake Management

Realizing the problems of Loktak Lake, the Government of Manipur constituted Loktak Development Authority (LDA) in 1986 for the overall improvement and management of the Lake. The objective of the Authority is to check deteriorating conditions of the lake and to bring about improvement of the lake along with the development in the fields of fisheries, agriculture, tourism and afforestation in consultation with the concerned departments of the State Government. The LDA in consultation with the Ministry of Forest and Environment (MoEF) prepared a Management Action Plan (MAP) at a total cost of Rs. 10.9 million in 1996 for a period of five years. The action plan could not be implemented as proposed in the plan due to lack of funds. With the limited funds mainly provided by Finance Commission and MoEF, LDA undertook activities such as afforestation in critical micro-watersheds, horticulture plantation, small scale engineering measure for erosion control, limited desiltation and dredging of channels, removal of phumdis from selected pockets of lake, peripheral bunding in the low-lying areas and widening of Moirang - Sendra road.

Loktak Lake in peril

The lake is under stress mainly due to pressure exerted by growing human population. Deforestation and shifting cultivation in the catchment area has promoted soil erosion resulting in increased lake siltation. The problem has further been aggravated by the prolific growth of phumdis. Besides, fertilizers from the catchment area and domestic sewage from Imphal city is carried by Nambul River, which finally discharges into the lake. Pesticides used in the agricultural fields are also washed off into the lake. In addition to above threats, encroachments through construction of fishponds, roads and settlements have gradually led to degradation of the lake ecosystem.

The vicarious problems of the Loktak Lake can be traced to the loss of vegetal cover in the catchment area and construction of barrages in the upstream and particularly Ithai Barrage in the southern part of the lake.

The specific issues

Siltation - Jhum cultivation, extensive deforestation and unscientific land use practices in the catchment area are responsible for deposition of large quantity of silt annually in the Lake.

Weed Infestation - Rapid proliferation of phumdis and aquatic weeds have led to reduced water holding capacity, deterioration of water quality, interference in navigation, and overall reduction in aesthetic values of the lake.

Loss of Biodiversity - The populations of migratory and resident waterfowl have declined during last few decades due to poaching and changes in ecological character of the lake. The habitat of Sangai deer in Keibul Lamjao National Park is threatened due to thinning of phumdis and poaching. Thirty five animal species (5 mammals, 3 birds, 9 reptiles, 3 amphibians, 12 fishes, 2 molluscs and 1 annelid) which were reported to exist abundantly in the past, have declined and are now disappearing gradually.

Decrease in Fisheries Production - Over exploitation, indiscriminate methods of fishing, extensive growth of phumdis and weeds are responsible for decrease in fisheries production.

Pollution – There is a deterioration of water quality due to the inflow of organo-chlorine pesticides and chemical fertilizers and municipal wastes.

Human Settlements

There are 55 rural and urban settlements around the lake with a total population of about 100,000 people. The natural levees of Manipur River and its tributaries are densely inhabited. The houses are made on stilts right into the marginal areas of the lake. A large number of fishermen live on the Thonga, Karang, Ithing and Sendra islands. Further, a large population of fishermen lives on some 688 floating huts of which many have been converted into permanent dwellings. It has been estimated that about 4000 people live in these floating huts for fishing activities. Apart from the people living in the close vicinity of the lake, it has been estimated that about 1,21,000 people live in 546 hill villages.

There is a greater need to protect and preserve the world’s famous and unique lake considering the human and environment needs. Various plans for conserving and using this lake should be created in such a way that humans and nature can co-exist. Sangai is one of the most visible attribute of Manipuri sub-nationalism. Will Manipuris wake up and work constructively as have they done for the Kangla fort to save this treasure from erasure? Else another Sharmila is in the offing!

*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland.

Women’s movements in Northeast

Women’s movements in Northeast
Rajesh Verma*
Publication: the OtherSide, Vol. 21, No. 7, August 2008, (p.p. 32-34)

In any society, women constitute significant pillar of social change. The Northeast has been a cauldron of unrest from the time of India’s independence. The region has witnessed an escalation of violence to an unprecedented scale in the last two decades. The role of women in peacemaking is particularly important in the context of Northeast because like most other conflict areas, the Northeast has witnessed massive displacement of men from the urban areas, which has some visibility and women form the major part of the civil society there.

Political Women

In the Northeast, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh have no women in their state assemblies. Out of a total of 4,120 MLAs in 28 states and two union territories, there were a total of 280 women — under 7 per cent of all MLAs compared to about 9.5 per cent women MPs in Lok Sabha. There are a total of 51 women MPs in the 14th Lok Sabha and 280 women MLAs across all state assemblies. Only three women in Tripura and one in Meghalaya managed to win last assembly polls though the northeastern states had more female candidates in fray than the national average. Assam leads the group of northeastern states with 10.3 per cent of its assembly being represented by women.

Though in most of the northeastern states of India, women are marginalized in institutional politics yet they are known for their active participation in the social, economic, cultural and political life of the state. Unlike women in other parts of India, they are found to be independent, courageous, and assertive and react effectively against any wrong doings of the ruling authority. They have always been in the forefront in fighting for their rights, protesting against injustice and violence and also in defending their husbands and sons. Women’s peace groups in Manipur and Nagaland have achieved enormous success. They have become an important and necessary component of their own societies. Their involvement in developmental activities has increased their effectiveness and their acceptance in their own society. Though women hardly figure dominantly in electoral politics yet there are other areas in the public sphere where they have made their presence felt.

Women’s movements in Manipur

One of the interesting aspects of Manipur is that, the women are more empowered than most other races. Manipuri women are perhaps the most politically empowered in the country. Women have also played major roles in the politics of Manipur. Not that they have been playing a decisive role in politics, but women groups do have a say in many matters. Manipuri women have inherited the active participation of earlier women in the economy of the state. Women are contributing a lot in the organized and unorganized sectors of the economy.

Milestones of Manipuri women’s movement

‘Nupi Lan’, ‘Meira Paibis’, ‘Nisha Bandh’ — ‘Women’s War’, ‘Torch Bearers,’ ‘No To Alcohol’ — these are the milestones of Manipuri women’s movement. Manipuri women today eulogise trace their origin from the military deeds of Linthoingambi of Ningthou Khomba, who was known to have saved her palace from attacks by the enemy. During the last century there were two women led uprisings in Manipur known as the Nupi Lan and Meira Paibies.

Nupi Lan or Nupi Lal (Women's War)

One also hears of Women Warriors in Jhansi Ki Rani or Joan of Arc, but Nupi Lan can be dated back to 1939 when a very important event took place in the form of an uprising called the Nupi Lan. It was an uprising by women solely for a social cause when women stood up against what they called chak tangba (inflation of food i.e. rice). The war or uprising started when women protested against exports of Rice to Assam to feed the British when Rice itself became scarce in Manipur in 1939. Nupi Lan which started as a rice agitation against the government’s policy, later evolved into a movement of constitutional, political, and economic reforms in Manipur. It is observed every year on December 12 to remember the uprising of the women folk against the artificial rice scarcity during the British Raj in 1939.

Meira Paibis (Woman Torchbearers)

In the 70s, the women of Manipur came out from home and started a mass movement for the maintenance of social order and peace in Manipur. They started an anti-liquor movement in urban as well as in rural areas when the peaceful social order in the localities was disturbed by the persons involved in selling and drinking of liquor. Women in the concerned localities gathered their strength and asserted their capabilities in checking and controlling the persons who were involved in the selling and drinking of liquor as well as those persons involved in the transaction of liquor business. The women in groups at this stage were known as Nisha Bandhis and their organization as Nisha Bandh Organization. Due to the immense pressure from the women’s groups the Government of Manipur declared Manipur a dry state. This was a victory for the Nisha Bandhis or the Meira Paibis.

From being an informal group to punish drunkards and anti-social elements, the movement has evolved to a political force. Women ever since have learnt the power of group effort and have taken up many social causes, the latest being the Manorama case when a dozen Manipuri women stripped to protest against army excesses in the state.

The Meira Paibis are also involved in resolving family conflicts, in checking and controlling immoral traffic, in arresting and handing over the persons who are involved in drug trafficking, illegal and immoral relationship between men and women, land disputes between neighbors.

Current events in Manipur reflect how important women’s groups are in civil society movements in Northeast India. The Maira Paibis have become an institution in their own rights today.

Women in Nagaland

Apart from the Meira Paibis there is the Naga Mothers Association (NMA) of Nagaland that has been very active in Northeast India. The NMA has rendered valuable service for the cause of peace. Their theme was ‘Shed No More Blood’. An achievement of NMA is the formation of the Peace Team in October 1994 to confront the deteriorating political situation. The NMA spoke against killings not only by the army but also by the militants.

The NMA celebrates the 12th of May each year as the Mother’s Day and renew their appeal for peace. Apart from peace initiatives the NMA has worked for social regeneration. It provides facilities for de-addiction and has also started anonymous HIV testing. They are probably the first women’s organisation in the Northeast to test pregnant women for HIV virus. The NMA is providing pioneering service for care of patients afflicted with Aids. NMA’s greatest achievement is that most Naga women’s organisations are its collaborators. The NMA has assumed enormous influence in Naga politics is borne out by the fact that they are the only women’s group in South Asia who has participated in a cease-fire negotiation. In 1997 they mediated between the GOI and the NSCN (IM) faction and facilitated a cease-fire.

Women’s movement in Assam

The women’s movement in Assam is almost as old as the freedom movement in this region. Asom Mahila Samiti was established in 1926 under the leadership of Chandraprabha Saikiani, which was later rechristened as Asom Pradeshik Mahila Samiti. The Tezpur District Mahila Samiti, a major constituent of the Asom Pradeshik Maliha Samiti was established in 1929, and it was under these two organisations that the movement for empowerment of women made significant steps in empowering the women folk in Assam.

The long history of Assam is replete with several instances of women's bold and strong roles in spite of their traditional roles in a patriarchal family set up. Women of Assam also played a significant role in the freedom struggle too. Assam has innumerable examples of women who had shown excellence in different fields and who are at par with their male counterparts. Women have also played a significant role in politics.

In Assam there are a number of interventions for peace by women’s groups but they are largely issues based. During and after the army atrocities in Nalbari and North Lakhimpur in 1989 and 1991 respectively, a number of women’s groups for peace sprung up. The most outstanding of these was the Matri Manch based in Guwahati. This group became the rallying point for mothers whose sons have disappeared. They rallied around the issue of abuse of women. They took out protest marches against sexual abuses and violence against women. Initially, they were tolerated when they protested against statist acts of violence but when their protest became more general different insurgent groups threatened them. There are other groups such as a number of Bodo women’s groups such as the Bodo Women’s Justice Forum that organise issue-based peace marches and protests.

Meghalaya: a matrilineal society

The general assumption is that Meghalaya is a matriarchal society. One hears a lot about matriarchal societies. One hears about Kerala and the Northeast, Meghalaya in particular. The fact is that neither of these states ever practiced Matriarchy. In matriarchal system, women have power in all activities relating to allocation, exchange and production, as well as socio-cultural and political power.

When descent and inheritance are traced through women, it’s called a matrilineal system, but the matriliny is only a sub-system of matriarchy and does not mean that the women hold any power except in domestic matters (including control over children). In this case the society is termed as a Matrilocal or even a Matrifocal society, but not matriarchal. However, women in the matrilineal/matrilocal system have a higher status in society than women in a patriarchal system, even if matriliny is not practiced anymore and even if women do not hold more power than the men. In Meghalaya (and in fact much of the north-east), there is no purdah system imposed on women, there is no restriction on women’s physical movement, nor their attire. There is no bride burning, female infanticide or foeticide and no dowry (there are instead cases of a bride’s price) and there is no social stigma attached to a widow re-marrying. So, women in Meghalaya are in a better situation than those in other states in India. Traditionally, in Meghalaya it’s the Khasi, Jaintias and Garo tribes (majority of the population of Meghalaya) who practice or used to practice this system.

There are other states which are doing well in terms of women’s participation in politics and in other spheres but if one takes into account the status of women in the family and the sex ratio then certainly Meghalaya stands out as shining examples to the rest of India.

Arunachal Pradesh

Arunachal Pradesh was practically kept in isolation till independence but the condition of women was more or less satisfactory during that period. The women of Arunachal Pradesh are politically and socially empowered ones. They have played major roles in the politics and economy of the state. They are contributing a lot in the organized and unorganized sectors of the economy.

Female literacy in Arunachal Pradesh

By the time of the last census the percentage of growth of family literacy has been tremendous. Between 1971-81 the growth rate of female literacy has been 197.04 percent while between 1981-91 it has been about 184.14 percent. The growth rate in female literacy has far outpaced the growth in male literacy. The rise in literacy level is, therefore, an indicator of women’s mobility in the ladder of socio-economic perspective, the spread of education and growth in literacy among women.

Women’s groups in Mizoram

The Hmeichhe Tangrual (HTP) Pawl was established in 1946, followed by the Mizo Women Organisation (MHIP) in 1964. Initially, the new women organisation raised the need to reform traditional and cultural practices of the Mizos. They raised their voice against discrimination and injustice in the society. Today their activities range from the set up of orphanage, drug de-addiction camp, and movement of protests against rape, domestic violence, reform of customary laws, reform of bride price and many others.

Tripura

The Bengali and tribal women of Tripura are in a better situation than those in many other states in India. There is a gender equity and women pride in the state. Women’s groups have achieved enormous success. They have become an important and necessary component of their own societies.

It is true that women’s movements do not occur in vacuum. They are not just determined by but also determine wider social movements. There is a constant recurrence of such movements in Northeast. Women’s interventions have not only redefined gender stereotypes but have transformed definitions of democracy, nationalism and peace. Women’s groups believe that peace can be achieved through dialogue and political negotiations. They believe that only military solutions cannot bring peace. They work towards a betterment of their own society and in this way they equate peace with justice and development. Therefore, any comprehensive efforts at conflict resolution in the Northeast cannot ignore the role played by women.
*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland.

The Fragile situation in ‘Nagalim’

The Fragile situation in ‘Nagalim’
Rajesh Verma*
Publication: the OtherSide, Vol. 21, No. 7, July 2008, (p.p. 32-34)

The Nagas were socially, politically and geographically isolated and did not enjoy a proper system of governance and administration till the 12th century. Ahom rulers brought the Naga inhabited areas under their jurisdiction. In the 19th century, these areas came under British control. Even during British rule, the Nagas remained socially isolated from the majority of India. They have had very few contacts with their neighbours as they were deliberately marginalized by the British. British strategy was to create a buffer territory between the plains of mainland India and the hilly regions of South-east Asia.

The Nagas were granted special status under the British. However, even prior to the independence of India, the Nagas sought greater political control and autonomy over their own affairs. Two World Wars and participation with British and Japanese forces generated a political consciousness and identity which the Nagas proved willing and capable of defending by military as much as by conventional political means.

Insurgency and Naga Movement

The British administrators of Nagaland who arrived at a truce with the Nagas towards the end of the nineteenth century agreed not to penetrate beyond certain boundaries, so their maps left numerous blank areas. When the Indian flag replaced the Union flag in August, 1947, it was promptly opposed by some Nagas, who had come to accept the British presence but did not want to join India. The Naga insurgency erupted on 14 August 1947,after a symbolic declaration of the independence of Nagaland on the eve of India's independence. For many years, the Naga National Council (NNC) under A.Z. Phizo fought a bitter war for Naga independence. However, the aggressive struggle mainly led by the Angamis did not meet with the approval of the other Naga tribes. "Soft-liners" among the Naga leaders, especially those belonging to the Ao tribes, which were not in favour of independence from India like P. Shilu Ao and Dr. Imkongliba Ao decided to start political negotiations with the Government of India in the early 1960s. The central government finally settled the issue by agreeing to the creation of Nagaland with P. Shilu Ao as its first Chief Minister. The Delhi Agreement signed on December 1, 1963 was nevertheless vehemently opposed by the NNC, but the Naga populace settled down to a routine political life.

The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was formed in 1980, in protest against the 'Shillong Accord' of 1975 by the then Naga National Council (NNC) with the Union Government. The NSCN also stood for the unification of all contiguous areas inhabited by the Naga people. They demanded inclusion of four districts of Manipur (almost half of the state), Tirap and Changlang districts of Arunachal Pradesh and large areas of Dibrugarh, Sibsagar, Jorhat and Cachar districts of Assam in Greater Nagaland or 'Nagalim'.

Less than a decade later, in 1988, differences of opinion among its top leaders led to its dramatic split into two factions -the NSCN-K led by SS Khaplang, and the NSCN-IM led by Isak C Swu and Th. Muivah. Since then, the two NSCN groups have become bitter rivals, frequently targeting each other. Two decades down the line, in November 2007, a section of the NSCN-IM, comprising mostly members of the Serna tribe, split to form the NSCN-Unification, and quickly became a close ally of the NSCN-K, thus intensifying the problem. The reported emergence of yet another splinter group -the United Naga People's Council -has further compounded the situation. '

The NSCN (1M) has preferred to keep its arsenal despite the ongoing peace process. It appears that both Muivah and Swu are not respected as much now that people have become more familiar with their personalities, since they were closer to home from 2004. A younger generation of Naga ultras within Nagaland seems to have developed a counter force and is growing more and more independently from the old leaders. The younger generation benefited immensely from criminal activities organised in the region and has no interest in any peaceful resolution of the conflict.

If the NSCN (1M) leadership dilutes its stance on Nagalim, it runs the risk of being sidelined by the second-rung leadership. It is plausible that Muivah and Isak do not have much control over their cadres on the question of anything less than Nagalim and sovereignty. It is the demand for Greater N agaland which is keeping them together. A little softening of its approach on the part of the NSCN «1M) leaders would not match the expectations of the cadres. In fact, in a similar development after signing the Shillong Accord in 1975, the NNC leader Phizo accepted the Indian Constitution unconditionally on behalf of Nagas, only to find that he did not have the mandate to do so.

Factional Fights

Though both factions of the NSCN are under a cease-fire agreement with the Government of India, clashes between members of both groups have resulted in a deterioration of the situation. More than 500 people have lost lives in the conflicts between the NSCN (1M) and NSCN (K) in the last five years.

In November 2007, a section of NSCN (1M) cadres led by senior functionary Azheto Chophy left the group and formed NSCN-Unification Camp with cadres of NSCN (K). The new group has about 100-odd cadres. This group seeks to unite all Naga insurgent groups for the common cause. It views Muivah as an obstacle to the unification of Nagas. A new group calling itself the United Naga People's Council (UNPC) has also cropped up in the past few weeks and has threatened to 'rootouttheNSCN-IM'.

The recent clashes started from November 23rd last year when a section of Naga insurgents led by Azheto Chophy of the NSCN (1M) and C. Singson of the NSCN (K) signed a 'Joint Declaration', which claimed that the two warring factions are being united. Rival NSCN factions have killed nearly fifty people in and around Dimapur in the stepped-up violence in the past three months. Even the funeral proceedings were disrupted as rival NSCN groups took up fighting positions against each other. Thirteen NSCN- (Unification) rebels were killed in a gang war in Nagaland on May 16th, 2008, heightening tensions sparked by the stepped up factional feuds over the past month. A bloody internecine battle seems to be on between NSCN-IM and NSCN (U). The development has made Naga socio-political stability extremely precarious.

Cease-fire-1997 & Peace Talks

The 1997-Naga Ceasefire Agreement is not the first cease-fire. An earlier agreement on 6 September 1964 was terminated by the then Governor of Nagaland, B.K. Nehru, in 1972. Fighting resumed thereafter until the second ceasefire was made operational in 1997.

The ceasefire between the NSCN (I-M) and the Government of India has now entered its 11 th year. A peaceful settlement of the Naga problem has not been reached in these 11 years. It is expected that talks will continue until a settlement is arrived at. Nobody knows how long these will go on. The NSCN-IM's key rival, the NSCN-K, too, signed a truce with the government in 2001 but has not entered into peace talks yeLNow, there are two new factions to contend with.

Controversy over Cease-fire 'without any territorial limits'

In 2001, the Government of India announced that the cease-fire was valid "without any territorial limits", i.e. it was to be implemented outside Nagaland, in every Naga-dominated area (Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh). This abrupt decision sparked off waves of demonstrations in the Northeast, especially in Manipur (in the Meitei-dominated areas) on such a large scale that it had to be withdrawn within a few weeks.

The Nagas: Godfathers of the Northeast militancy?

The NSCN (1M) is one of the largest insurgent outfits in the entire region, gaining 'respect' among other ethnic insurrections and criminal outfits because of its huge criminal empire. Acting as the "Godfather" of many "terrorist" groups, it has trained and armed many groups in the region, such as the ULF A, NDFB, NLFT, KYKL and other smaller outfits. With Isak Swu as Chairman and Th. Muivah as General Secretary since 1988, the NSCN-IM boasted in 2005 of having 3,000 to 4,000 armed men (with at least one organised brigade and six well- structured battalions) who, even though they. have suspended their open hostilities against, the Indian Army since the 1997 cease-fire, have not given up their weapons and are still struggling against rival groups in the region like the NSCN-K, NSCN (U) or the ULFA. It has an annual budget of Rs. 200 -250 million and operates bank accounts in Thailand, Bangladesh and Myanmar. NSCN (1M) uses money earned from extortion and the narcotic trade to purchase weapons and to train its cadre. Besides having links with Pakistan's ISI, Bangladesh and China, it has contacts with the United Nations Human Rights Organization in Geneva, Unrepresented Nations People's Organization (UNPO) at The Hague and United Nations Working Group on Indigenous People (UNWGIP). NSCN (1M) also has a liaison office in China across the border with Arunachal Pradesh. The NSCN-IM has managed to build a strong parallel economy in the areas under its control and drug trafficking has become the prime source of funds for the group. It out sources activities like extortion, abduction, arms smuggling and robbery to various ultra outfits created by NSCN (1M) itself outside Nagaland.

The Naga insurgency is considered the longest and fiercest rebellion against the Central Government since India's independence. The violent tussle among the NSCN factions appear to indicate that the ceasefire agreements signed by the Union Government separately with the NSCN-IM and the NSCN-K are being violated at will. lhe situation in the six decade long movement is getting from bad to worse. With rare exceptions, most insurgent and civilian deaths have been the result of factional clashes. Under such circumstances, peace is unlikely to return to Nagaland any time soon. To resolve the issue, the government has to move beyond bilateral and secretive talks between Delhi and the two Naga leaders. A majority of Nagas support autonomy within the Indian union while a significant minority is seeking the creation of an independent Nagalim state. With the unification process on and the peace process between NSCN (1M) and the Central Government incl1ing towards a positive outcome, let us hope that Naga inhabited areas turn into an oasis of peace, factional fights come to an end and people are allowed to enjoy peace and prosperity in a democratic civic space.
*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland.

North–Eastern India: A Linguistic Scenario

North–Eastern India: A Linguistic Scenario
Rajesh Verma*
Publication: Press Information Bureau, Govt. of India
URL:http://pib.nic.in/feature/feyr2001/fmay2001/f030520011.html, May 2001

Language is not only a tool of communication but it also has ethnic, socio-cultural and political implications. Various ethnic groups in the Northeast have their own dialects. These are often seen by those who use them as languages in their own right.

In the Northeastern part of India the diverse ethnic groups use several languages. But the dominant language of the larger community has a pre-eminent place.

The Northeast has remarkable linguistic diversity. Bilingualism and sometimes trilingualism is common in both rural and urban areas even among the unlettered. This is because when a family, a kin group or a community moves from one region to another, its members acquire the language of their new place of domicile without giving up their native dialect. Settlement of outsiders has also helped in spreading bilingualism or trilingualism in the region.

The Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India recognised 18 Indian languages. There is no provision to protect the minor languages, especially the tribal languages of the Northeast. Such minor languages could lose their identity vis-a-vis the dominant language. Any language signifies a vocal system by which members of a social group interact with one another. It has immense social and political implications. Coercion by the dominant community to impose its language could invite political turmoil. Indeed, language assimilation at various interaction levels has been a characteristic feature of a multi-ethnic region that the North-East is. But the advocacy of a single language for homogeneity or cohesiveness classification has been challenged.

Classification

Indian languages are classified in four broad categories - Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Austric and Sino-Tibetan. The geographical distribution of the major languages in India neatly fits into a scheme of linguistic regions. Hence the linguistic re-organisation of States that took place in 1956. But for the Northeast, State re-organisation is based neither on linguistic nor on ethnic factors. It is based on administrative convenience. This is why the contiguous Naga habitations fall into four States - Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.

Characteristics

The Northeast presents striking socio-cultural features in terms of ethnicity, linguistic and socio-cultural practices. The hill ranges of the region like the Naga Hills, Patkai Hills, Lushai Hills and Shillong Plateau are inhabited by numerous indigenous tribal communities.Each ethnic group has its own distinctive socio-cultural identity. According to Indian language classification, the region has people of Mongoloid stock, speaking Sino-Tibetan and Austric languages or dialects. The linguistic matrix of the Northeast is made up of a number of polyglots. It is not only different languages of a single family but also languages of different families, which are spoken in different States of this region, as each state in the region is multilingual complex rather than a linguistically homogenous unit.

A linguistic matrix is the Naga group of languages such as Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Chang, Khiamniungan, Lotha, Konyak, Phom, Rengma, Sumi, Sangtam, Yimchunger, Zeliang, Kuki and Pochury in Nagaland; Maiteis in Manipur Valley (and the dialects of Nagas in Manipur and Kuki-chin (Zomi) groups); Lushai in Mizoram; Bengali dialects in the Brahmaputra Valley; Assamese, Kachari, Bodo, Karbi in Assam; Khasi, Jaintia and Garo in Meghalaya, and Mongpa, Adi, Apatani, Nishi, Nocte in Arunachal Pradesh.

There has been ethnic assertion in every group of its socio-cultural and political aspirations. In the process a language becomes a vital tool to subjugate a buffer minor ethnic group by larger and stronger dominant groups. This is apparently observed in the non-tribal dominant States like Assam, Tripura and Manipur. In these States the tribal languages have little scope for growth. The dominant languages of the geographical areas are compulsory like Assamese in Assam, Bengali in Tripura and Meiteilon or Manipuri in Manipur. Both Assamese and Manipuri use the Bengali script with some slight modifications. The Assam tribals like Bodos, Karbis, Kacharis, invariably study Assamese in schools and colleges. The Tripura tribals such as Tripuris and Reang study Bengali; the Manipur tribals such as the Nagas and Kuki-Chin (Zomi) have to study Meiteilon.

The dominant language in any State or region eventually develops its ‘lingua franca’. This is true of Manipur, Assam and Tripura where Meiteiolon or Manipuri, Assamese and Bengali are commonly used to communicate between the various ethnic groups. But most tribals cannot write in these languages because of the unfamiliar script.

Distinctiveness

The tribals of Manipur are divided into 29 groups recognised as scheduled tribes and have their own distinct dialects and culture. The recognised tribes are- Aimol, Anal, Angami, Chiru, Chothe, Gangte, Hmar, Kabui, Kacha Naga, Vaiphei, Koirao, Koireng, Kom, Lamkang, Mao, Maram, Maring, Mizo (Lushai), Monsang, Moyon, Suhte, Tangkhul and Thadou. Inter-action within and between the different groups has been limited. There has never been any scope for the development of a common language. This is exemplified by the fact that even among the various Naga groups from different hill villages, there are considerable differences in dialects.

More or less, the same situation exists in other States of this region. The Northeast often witnesses a tug-of-war among the multiple tribal languages and the dominant one. Recently, the UPSC tried to introduce the Manipuri language as a compulsory subject in civil service (mains) examination for the candidates from Manipur. But the Guwahati High Court in its interim order exempted the tribals from appearing in Manipuri language. The irony is that while Manipuri is not taught in the schools, it is a compulsory subject at higher levels, especially in competitive examinations.

The linguistic diversity in the Northeast creates or worsens ethnic tensions in the region. Under the prevailing situation the tribal communities are encouraged to speak the dominant language with the result that fewer people are using their tribal languages or dialects.
*The author is a former Principal of Police School, Nagaland.